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Security, the State, and the Citizen: The Changing Architecture of Crime Control
Unformatted Document Text:  14 controversial. 64 Further down the scale, in respect of anti-social behaviour, the failure in question less clearly justifies the intrusion. Granted anti-social or offensive behaviour may be seen as a failure of social citizenship - a falling short of the expectations laid upon the ‘responsible subject’. 65 Whether targeting the individual alone adequately addresses the demise of social capital, cohesion, and trust that feeds the disaffection which spawns much anti-social behaviour remains open to doubt. 66 A second related change in the architecture of crime control is the proliferation of regulatory control measures, of contractual devices, and responsibilization strategies promoted in the name of ‘better regulation’ but whose regulatory label barely conceals an emerging technology of intrusive and often disproportionate behavioural controls. 67 Inducing compliance with the prescribed requirements of citizenship becomes the task of multiple hybrid, civil, contractual, and administrative measures. These include informal acceptable behaviour contracts, individual support orders, drug intervention orders, parenting orders, parenting contracts, child curfew orders, and penalty notices for disorder. Criminalization becomes only one tool in this array of administrative and regulatory orders deployed to define status, impose surveillance and enforce obligations designed variously to control, restrict, or exclude. These measures impose on individuals the burden of responsibility for self-governance or, at a minimum, compliance with norms prescribed in the terms of the orders. The particular contractual or regulatory terms of each order are individuated in every case subverting the universalism of the criminal law and delegating considerable quasi-legislative powers to the courts and public officials who determine their precise terms and police their enforcement. Like the preventive orders described above, regulatory measures also seek to govern the future by intervening early in the lives of those irregular citizens whose conduct or life choices attract adverse attention. In parallel with the treatment of immigrants and asylum seekers, no longer are these citizens able to claim membership of the social or political community as of right. Here too citizenship becomes conditional. Earlier rhetoric of social exclusion and economic marginalization is replaced by the language of responsibility: those who fail to comply are deemed irresponsible, guilty of making poor ‘lifestyle choices’ or showing a failure of respect. Yet many of those so targeted belong to socially and economically deprived or isolated ethnic or religious communities and are constructed as irregular citizens as much on the basis of their marginalised status as any proven wrongdoing. Nor should the stigmatising, isolating, and exclusionary effects of regulation and criminalization themselves be overlooked – perhaps the most extreme example of which is the profound social isolation suffered 64 David Bonner, Checking the Executive? Detention without Trial, Control Orders, Due Process and Human Rights, 12 European Public Law 45 (2006); Lucia Zedner, Preventive Justice or Pre-Punishment? The Case of Control Orders, 59 Current Legal Problems 174 (2007). 65 Peter Ramsay, The Responsible Subject as Citizen: Criminal Law, Democracy and the Welfare State, 69 Modern Law Review 29, 51 (2006). 66 Bryan Turner, Social Capital, Trust and Offensive Behaviour, in Incivilities: Regulating Offensive Behaviour 231 (Andrew von Hirsch & Andrew Simester eds., 2006); Richard Sennett, The Corrosion of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism (1998). 67 Adam Crawford, Governing through Anti-Social Behaviour: The Regulatory Challenge to, and Corrosion of, Criminal Justice, Regulation and Governance (2009).

Authors: Zedner, Lucia.
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 Further down the scale, in respect of anti-social behaviour, the failure 
in  question  less  clearly  justifies  the  intrusion.  Granted  anti-social  or  offensive 
behaviour  may  be  seen  as  a  failure  of  social  citizenship  -  a  falling  short  of  the 
expectations  laid  upon  the  ‘responsible  subject’.
  Whether  targeting  the  individual 
alone adequately addresses the demise of social capital, cohesion, and trust that feeds 
the disaffection which spawns much anti-social behaviour remains open to doubt.
A  second  related  change  in  the  architecture  of  crime  control  is  the  proliferation  of 
regulatory  control  measures,  of  contractual  devices,  and  responsibilization  strategies 
promoted  in  the  name  of  ‘better  regulation’  but  whose  regulatory  label  barely 
conceals an emerging technology of intrusive and often disproportionate behavioural 
  Inducing  compliance  with  the  prescribed  requirements  of  citizenship 
becomes  the  task  of  multiple  hybrid, civil,  contractual,  and administrative  measures. 
These  include  informal  acceptable  behaviour  contracts,  individual  support  orders, 
drug  intervention  orders,  parenting  orders,  parenting  contracts,  child  curfew  orders, 
and penalty notices for disorder. Criminalization becomes only one tool in this array 
of administrative and regulatory orders deployed to define status, impose surveillance 
and  enforce  obligations  designed  variously  to  control,  restrict,  or  exclude.  These 
measures impose on individuals the burden of responsibility for self-governance or, at 
a  minimum,  compliance  with  norms  prescribed  in  the  terms  of  the  orders.  The 
particular contractual or regulatory terms of each order are individuated in every case 
subverting  the  universalism  of  the  criminal  law  and  delegating  considerable  quasi-
legislative powers to the courts and public officials who determine their precise terms 
and police their enforcement.  
Like the preventive orders described above, regulatory measures also seek to govern 
the future by intervening early in the lives of those irregular citizens whose conduct or 
life choices attract adverse attention. In parallel with the treatment of immigrants and 
asylum seekers, no longer are these citizens able to claim membership of the social or 
political  community  as  of  right.  Here  too  citizenship  becomes  conditional.  Earlier 
rhetoric of social exclusion and economic marginalization is replaced by the language 
of responsibility: those who fail to comply are deemed irresponsible, guilty of making 
poor ‘lifestyle choices’ or showing a failure of respect. Yet many of those so targeted 
belong  to  socially  and  economically  deprived  or  isolated  ethnic  or  religious 
communities  and  are  constructed  as  irregular  citizens  as  much  on  the  basis  of  their 
marginalised status as any proven wrongdoing. Nor should the stigmatising, isolating, 
and exclusionary effects of regulation and criminalization themselves be overlooked – 
perhaps the most extreme example of which is the profound social isolation suffered 
 David Bonner, Checking the Executive? Detention without Trial, Control Orders, Due Process and 
Human Rights, 12 European Public Law 45 (2006); Lucia Zedner, Preventive Justice or Pre-
Punishment? The Case of Control Orders, 59 Current Legal Problems 174 (2007). 
 Peter Ramsay, The Responsible Subject as Citizen: Criminal Law, Democracy and the Welfare State, 
69 Modern Law Review 29, 51 (2006). 
 Bryan Turner, Social Capital, Trust and Offensive Behaviour, in Incivilities: Regulating Offensive 
Behaviour 231 (Andrew von Hirsch & Andrew Simester eds., 2006); Richard Sennett, The Corrosion 
of Character: The Personal Consequences of Work in the New Capitalism (1998). 
 Adam Crawford, Governing through Anti-Social Behaviour: The Regulatory Challenge to, and 
Corrosion of, Criminal Justice, Regulation and Governance  (2009). 

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