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"What Do We Do When Things Fall Apart?" Rwanda's Attempt at Restorative Justice Through the Gacaca Courts
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Case Study: “What Do We Do When Things Fall Apart?” Rwanda’s Attempt at Restorative Justice Through the Gacaca Courts.
Introduction
Historian Gerard Prunier (1997) writes that “Genocide is a value-laden word, it is a tragic word, and its use, infrequently applicable in the history of mankind, cannot be made without serious justifications,” (p. 237). Despite his conservative assessment of when and where the language of genocide should be applied both contemporarily and historically, he is unequivocal in his assessment of Rwanda as a genocide of modern times. Prunier argues that genocide consists of “the systematic organization of the killing and the attempt at completely erasing the targeted group…,” and, when examined carefully, applies to the Rwandan case, where “…all the preconditions for a genocide were present: a well-organized civil service, a small tightly-controlled land area, a disciplined and orderly population, reasonably good communications and a coherent ideology containing the necessary lethal potential,” (p. 238).
Despite the equivocation by the US State Department and other governments at the time of the genocide and the media’s assessment that Rwanda’s killings were a form of “primitive tribal warfare” and not systematized destruction, extensive research and inquiry into the case of Rwanda over the last fifteen years has produced a significant consensus both within the academic community and even within mainstream media outlets and forms of public opinion that Rwanda was, indeed, a genocide. Moreover, the international community’s failure to intervene in the face of such overwhelming evidence, was morally reprehensible and tragic.
Conflict in the Great Lakes Region, which includes the states of Uganda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire), and Rwanda can trace its roots back to colonial times. Van Leeuwen (2008) notes that “colonial policies in Rwanda and Burundi resulted in an institutionalized antagonism between Hutu and Tutsi populations. During and after the decolonization process, this resulted in several rounds of ethnic violence and refugee flows to neighboring countries,” (p. 399).
The genocide in Rwanda took place beginning in April of 1994 and the consequences to the state of Rwanda and even surrounding nations were enormous. The vast majority of the victims were people belonging to the Tutsi Social Group (Prunier, 1997). The people who carried them out were the Presidential Guards in the capital of Rwanda early on, followed by the Interhamwe and Impuzamugambi militias, poor to lower middle class groups that were fueled by class differences and racial ideologies and organized and supported by a small tight group of military, political and economic elites resistant to political change. It is important to note that Hutu and Tutsi designations were and are particularly
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| | Authors: Calhoun, Lindsay. |
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Case Study: “What Do We Do When Things Fall Apart?” Rwanda’s Attempt at Restorative Justice Through the Gacaca Courts.
Introduction
Historian Gerard Prunier (1997) writes that “Genocide is a value-laden word, it is a tragic word, and its use, infrequently applicable in the history of mankind, cannot be made without serious justifications,” (p. 237). Despite his conservative assessment of when and where the language of genocide should be applied both contemporarily and historically, he is unequivocal in his assessment of Rwanda as a genocide of modern times. Prunier argues that genocide consists of “the systematic organization of the killing and the attempt at completely erasing the targeted group…,” and, when examined carefully, applies to the Rwandan case, where “…all the preconditions for a genocide were present: a well-organized civil service, a small tightly-controlled land area, a disciplined and orderly population, reasonably good communications and a coherent ideology containing the necessary lethal potential,” (p. 238).
Despite the equivocation by the US State Department and other governments at the time of the genocide and the media’s assessment that Rwanda’s killings were a form of “primitive tribal warfare” and not systematized destruction, extensive research and inquiry into the case of Rwanda over the last fifteen years has produced a significant consensus both within the academic community and even within mainstream media outlets and forms of public opinion that Rwanda was, indeed, a genocide. Moreover, the international community’s failure to intervene in the face of such overwhelming evidence, was morally reprehensible and tragic.
Conflict in the Great Lakes Region, which includes the states of Uganda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly Zaire), and Rwanda can trace its roots back to colonial times. Van Leeuwen (2008) notes that “colonial policies in Rwanda and Burundi resulted in an institutionalized antagonism between Hutu and Tutsi populations. During and after the decolonization process, this resulted in several rounds of ethnic violence and refugee flows to neighboring countries,” (p. 399).
The genocide in Rwanda took place beginning in April of 1994 and the consequences to the state of Rwanda and even surrounding nations were enormous. The vast majority of the victims were people belonging to the Tutsi Social Group (Prunier, 1997). The people who carried them out were the Presidential Guards in the capital of Rwanda early on, followed by the Interhamwe and Impuzamugambi militias, poor to lower middle class groups that were fueled by class differences and racial ideologies and organized and supported by a small tight group of military, political and economic elites resistant to political change. It is important to note that Hutu and Tutsi designations were and are particularly
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