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Testing the Gendered Power Model in Married Couples: Gender differences in kinds of power and in fungibility of power

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Abstract:

The gendered power model (Pratto & Walker, 2004) considers gender inequality to be based in four kinds of power: use of force, resource control, asymmetry in social obligations, and gender ideology. The model predicts that gender inequality in societies is due to men using force more often, controlling more material resources, and being advantaged by sexist ideology, and by women being more obliged to others. The model also holds that gender inequality is stabilized when men's domains of power (e.g., resources) are more fungible, or more easily used to gain other kinds of power (e.g., legitimacy) than women's domains of power (e.g., obligations). The present study 1) devised a measure of these four kinds of power as they pertain to adults’ daily life; 2) tested whether they vary between husbands and wives; 3) examined whether there are differences in fungibility for men’s and women’s power bases.
Our sample included 139 married Andalucian couples (30-65 years old) with children. Half were couples where both members have a paid job outside home and in the other half only husbands had paid jobs.
We followed the procedures recommended by Kenny, Kashy, and Cook (2006) for analysis of data from distinguishable dyads to account both for participants’ gender and for their marriage, because one might expect members of the same couple to be more similar than randomly paired men and women. Results showed that regardless of whether they have a paid job, women are poorer than men in all bases of power, except in social obligations. Correlations among power bases within genders showed gender differences in power fungibility. For wives, those with more obligations endorsed sexist ideology more and had fewer resources. For husbands, obligations were unrelated to any other kind of power, but more sexist husbands were more likely to use force against their wives. Further, although the same model fit both genders, the Omnibus test of distinguishability demonstrated that husbands and wives were highly distinguishable rather than interchangeable or equivalent. The ways that these forms of power play out in marriages and regarding marital satisfaction are discussed.
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Association:
Name: ISPP 33rd Annual Scientific Meeting
URL:
http://ispp.org


Citation:
URL: http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p420137_index.html
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MLA Citation:

Morales, Elena., Rodríguez-Bailón, Rosa., Moya, Miguel. and Pratto, Felicia. "Testing the Gendered Power Model in Married Couples: Gender differences in kinds of power and in fungibility of power" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 33rd Annual Scientific Meeting, Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco, California, USA, Jul 07, 2010 <Not Available>. 2014-11-27 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p420137_index.html>

APA Citation:

Morales, E. , Rodríguez-Bailón, R. , Moya, M. and Pratto, F. , 2010-07-07 "Testing the Gendered Power Model in Married Couples: Gender differences in kinds of power and in fungibility of power" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 33rd Annual Scientific Meeting, Mark Hopkins Hotel, San Francisco, California, USA <Not Available>. 2014-11-27 from http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p420137_index.html

Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The gendered power model (Pratto & Walker, 2004) considers gender inequality to be based in four kinds of power: use of force, resource control, asymmetry in social obligations, and gender ideology. The model predicts that gender inequality in societies is due to men using force more often, controlling more material resources, and being advantaged by sexist ideology, and by women being more obliged to others. The model also holds that gender inequality is stabilized when men's domains of power (e.g., resources) are more fungible, or more easily used to gain other kinds of power (e.g., legitimacy) than women's domains of power (e.g., obligations). The present study 1) devised a measure of these four kinds of power as they pertain to adults’ daily life; 2) tested whether they vary between husbands and wives; 3) examined whether there are differences in fungibility for men’s and women’s power bases.
Our sample included 139 married Andalucian couples (30-65 years old) with children. Half were couples where both members have a paid job outside home and in the other half only husbands had paid jobs.
We followed the procedures recommended by Kenny, Kashy, and Cook (2006) for analysis of data from distinguishable dyads to account both for participants’ gender and for their marriage, because one might expect members of the same couple to be more similar than randomly paired men and women. Results showed that regardless of whether they have a paid job, women are poorer than men in all bases of power, except in social obligations. Correlations among power bases within genders showed gender differences in power fungibility. For wives, those with more obligations endorsed sexist ideology more and had fewer resources. For husbands, obligations were unrelated to any other kind of power, but more sexist husbands were more likely to use force against their wives. Further, although the same model fit both genders, the Omnibus test of distinguishability demonstrated that husbands and wives were highly distinguishable rather than interchangeable or equivalent. The ways that these forms of power play out in marriages and regarding marital satisfaction are discussed.


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