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2004 - American Political Science Association Pages: 14 pages || Words: 8164 words || 
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1. Williams, Rina. "Women's Rights or Religious Rights? Religion, Law, and the Historical Construction of Gender Inequality in India" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hilton Chicago and the Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, Sep 02, 2004 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p60648_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This article examines the controversy over reforming Islamic law in India in the 1980s. The issue could have been defined in multiple ways: as an issue of religious freedom; minority rights and multiculturalism; nationalism; or women’s rights. Different groups defined the issue according to their political interests, and the power to shape legal reform lay to a significant extent in the ability to define the issue and thus, the terms of the debate. In the 1980s, both opponents and supporters defined the reform of Islamic law primarily in terms of religious identity and minority rights, rather than in terms of gender rights, and this definition was legitimized by the government. Because the reforms were not defined primarily as an issue of gender rights, the legislation passed by the government as the outcome of the controversy has been of dubious benefit to Indian Muslim women.

2008 - ISA's 49th ANNUAL CONVENTION, BRIDGING MULTIPLE DIVIDES Words: 181 words || 
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2. Solanki, Gopika. "Jurisdic Diversity, Cultural Accommodation, and Women’s Rights: Recasting the Debate on Religious Family Laws in India" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 49th ANNUAL CONVENTION, BRIDGING MULTIPLE DIVIDES, Hilton San Francisco, SAN FRANCISCO, CA, USA, Mar 26, 2008 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p253304_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Three theoretical approaches address the question of facilitating minority cultures while ensuring gender equality within minority cultures in multi-religious and multi-ethnic democracies. Some scholars advocate constructing multicultural citizenship to ensure flourishing of diverse cultures. Criticising this proposal as statist and gender-blind, others argue for democratisation of inner realms of cultural communities as a solution to accommodate difference in democracies. More self-consciously feminist arguments call for multicultural jurisdictions which privilege citizenship rights in some legal spheres and accord primacy to intra-community governance in others. These debates are particularly relevant to discussions around recognition of religion-based personal laws, i.e., laws governing family relations in marriage, divorce, inheritance and maintenance, since personal laws demarcate group boundaries and govern intra-household distribution of resources.The paper engages with these normative theories through an empirical investigation of the Indian model of legal pluralism which incorporates elements from all the approaches discussed above. The paper discusses the efficacy of the Indian model by examining the micropolitics of adjudication in state-courts and informal forums and suggests that hybrid rather than segregated legal spheres provide more avenues for negotiating women’s rights.

2012 - The Law and Society Association Words: 369 words || 
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3. Hong Tschalär, Mengia. "Muslim Women's Activists and Gender Reform: Non-State Muslim Women's Bodies Negotiating Women's Rights in Postcolonial India" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village Resort, Honolulu, HI, Jun 03, 2012 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p559508_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper is an ethnographic study of three Muslim women’s organisations in north India, which articulate ideas of gender-justice within an explicitly Islamic framework. It seeks to situate the workings of these non-state institutions within a complex landscape of legal pluralism. Based on empirical data gathered in the city of Lucknow northern India this paper focuses on attempts by progressive and secular Muslim women’s organisations in the city to create a space for claims regarding Muslim women’s rights and gender-equality within the framework of Islam. In so doing, it foregrounds the work of three unusual women’s organisations in the city: the All India Muslim Women’s Personal Law Board, the Indian Muslim Women’s Movement (Bhartiya Muslim Mahila Andolan) and the Women’s Club (Bazme Khawateen). Whereas the last mentioned was founded in 1937 under British colonial rule, the former two organisations are new and have only been established recently in 2005 and 2007. None of them have been studied. Progressive Muslim women have founded these all-female institutions in order to challenge the interpretations of the Quran, the Shariat and the Hadith offered by the Muslim religious authorities as well as the monopoly of the clergy over these interpretations. These forums are neither part of the formal state legal system nor of the informal Shariat-courts manned by the Qazi. These well-educated middle class women who preside over these Muslim women’s organisations in Lucknow, however, cooperate to a different extent with the male-dominated religious institutions on the one hand and the state on the other. Drawing on these three institutions, this paper explores alternative spaces for the negotiation of women’s rights and gender equity from a Muslim feminist point of view. Thereby, female sexuality and the conjugal relationships is analysed as primary sites, where religious and legal authority as well as varying norms of women’s autonomy and gender justice is negotiated. From a theoretical point of view, this paper attempts to challenge liberal and modernist tendencies in the scholarship on Islam, gender and law in South Asia, which posit women’s rights as incompatible with Islamic legal thought and practice on the one hand, and the monopoly of the state as the only site for the production of law on the other.

2007 - The Law and Society Association Words: 215 words || 
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4. Revillard, Anne. "Can Family Law be a Site of Gender Justice? France and Quebec’s Framing of Women’s Rights" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, TBA, Berlin, Germany, Jul 25, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p177651_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Beyond the struggle for equal rights, have feminist actors invested family law with an aim of redistributive justice, using it to compensate for the economic inequalities derived from the gendered division of labor? The term “feminist actors” is used here to refer to an array of actors including the organized women’s movement, lawyers, members of political parties, and people working in the academia or in the public administration. Based on a comparative study (using archives and interviews) of the way these actors have invested legal and political debates regarding the financial consequences of divorce since the 1970s, substantial differences appear between France and Quebec. In France, feminist actors stay at the margin of the debates, and they are reluctant to turn family law into a feminist battleground. In Quebec, these actors play a key role in several reforms conceived by feminists as a way to do justice to women while contributing to their autonomy. I argue that these differences in the meaning attributed to family law can be explained by the broader context of the relationships between movements and institutions respectively devoted to gender and family issues. Further, I show how this analysis of the investment of family law contributes to an understanding of the way women’s rights can be diversely framed by feminist actors.

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