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2011 - 96th Annual Convention Words: 45 words || 
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1. Boggis, JerriAnne. "“’Humbugs for Hungry Abolitionists’: Harriet Wilson’s Portrayal of the New England Abolitionist”" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 96th Annual Convention, TBA, Richmond, VA, <Not Available>. 2019-09-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p521886_index.html>
Publication Type: Invited Paper
Abstract: In her work, Our Nig, Harriet Wilson presents a damning view of New England abolitionists as selfish, hypocritical people who cared little about the welfare of African Americans. Presenting a portrait atypical of many of her period, Wilson's work is especially important and unique.

2009 - ISA's 50th ANNUAL CONVENTION "EXPLORING THE PAST, ANTICIPATING THE FUTURE" Pages: 28 pages || Words: 8559 words || 
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2. Kissack, Robert. "Multilateral legitimacy and the promotion human rights: Is the EU’s abolitionist aspirations for the death penalty killing the UN?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 50th ANNUAL CONVENTION "EXPLORING THE PAST, ANTICIPATING THE FUTURE", New York Marriott Marquis, NEW YORK CITY, NY, USA, Feb 15, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2019-09-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p312141_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The article considers the wider implications of the EU’s coordinated actions that made a significant contribution to the successful adoption of the 2007 United Nations General Assembly resolution on a Moratorium on the death penalty, which lies at the heart of the debate between human rights promotion and non-intervention in the domestic politics of sovereign states. It begins by considering leading arguments from the ‘retentionist’ camp that call into question the legitimacy of the deciding such fundamental issues by majority and not consensus within the UN. After a brief survey of the HR resolutions passed at the 63rd session of the UNGA to ascertain the degree of decision-making taking place according to consensus and recorded votes, it turns to consider the work by Inis Claude, Robert Keohane, Ian Clark, and Thomas Franck on legitimacy in international institutions. It is argued that both majoritarian and consensus-based approaches to decision-making are flawed. Following separate arguments by Keohane and Clark lead to the conclusion that UN legitimacy is being radically challenged as the constitution of the international community is being bought into question. The death penalty resolution not only re-configured the traditional polarisation between North and South, but may also signify the beginning of a new trend towards a more assertive promotion of human rights at the cost of state sovereignty.

2009 - ASC Annual Meeting Words: 168 words || 
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3. Zevitz, Richard. "Nullification in Historical Perspective: A Study of the Abolitionist Lawyer's Role in Resisting Fugitive Slave Laws" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ASC Annual Meeting, Philadelphia Marriott Downtown, Philadelphia, PA, Nov 04, 2009 <Not Available>. 2019-09-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p372322_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In the years immediately preceding the outbreak of the American Civil War, the Federal Fugitive slave law was enforced in Northern states to the dismay of a small group of abolitionist lawyers who vowed to resist it both in and out of the courtroom. The purpose of this paper is to explore the efforts of these lawyers to defy Federal court orders and warrants ordering the arrest of fugitive slaves and those who aided and abetted their escape. The paper will focus on the activities of “League of Freedom,” led by Alvin E. Bovay, a lawyer and Wisconsin state legislator, who was indicted by a Federal grand jury for organizing “extra-legal” resistance. First, a brief theoretical approach to passive and active resistance to perceived injustice will be presented. The significance of the nullification defense, both past and present, will be examined. Secondly, the paper will present an (methodological) analysis of archival sources bearing on this issue. The paper will conclude with an illustrative case study (Abelman v. Booth).

2010 - The Law and Society Association Words: 464 words || 
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4. Stein, David. "The War of 1986: Constructing the Prison Regime Consensus and the Abolitionist Demand" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, Renaissance Chicago Hotel, Chicago, IL, May 27, 2010 <Not Available>. 2019-09-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p408755_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: What US genealogies of lawfare are unveiled when one looks at domestic militarization and the rise of the imprisonment industrial complex (PIC)? The Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 (Public Law 99-570) and its discourses of war show how the “War on Drugs” increased its terrain domestically within the US to supplement its global battleground in the 1986 moment, and enabled what scholars and activists in the mid-nineties would call the PIC. By starting my analytic in the activist-rooted theorizations of the PIC—encompassing the linked structural practices of surveillance, policing, capture, prosecution, and imprisonment, and supported by hetero-patriarchal racial capitalist structures—the work enriches discussions of the prison by stretching the view of the technologies of statecraft beyond the site of the prison per se. The attention to war is important to (following Charles Tilly) understanding that “war makes states” fiscally, infrastructurally, and, centrally, ideologically. Attention to the deployment of war as a relation of dis-representative power is crucially about comprehending the state and its forms in the current moment—especially in the 1986 moment of consensus building with regard to the prison regime, as well as the emergence of what Ruth Wilson Gilmore theorizes as the antistate state. For Gilmore, the antistate state is “the ideological and rhetorical dismissal of any agency or capacity that ‘government’ might use to guarantee social well-being.” A distinctive feature of antistate state strategy is militarized shifts in state capacity. The 1986 Act instantiated such shifts through the budgetary allocations included in the bill which provided $124.5 million for the Bureau of Prisons, $60 million for the DEA and, $230 million per year for the subsequent three years for state and local policing. This genealogy is crucial to comprehending the bipartisan consensus that would emerge surrounding the Act—one that replicated the “united front” political discourse frequently seen in periods of international war. Viewing the Democratic-Republican struggle as a sibling rivalry, rather than a structural antagonism displays how the consensus articulates the renovation and consolidation of a white supremacist statecraft that emerged from the right as the post-Barry Goldwater-Richard Nixon (1964) law and order bloc; the 1986 Act (along with the 1984 Comprehensive Crime Control Act initiated in 1975 by Ted Kennedy) represents the supplement to this movement as the Democratic party made their full entrance into what Dylan Rodríguez suggests is this era’s historical telos of 1960s and 1970s White Reconstruction whose hallmark is the prison regime. Correspondingly, the 1986 Act played a key role in renovating the ideological infrastructure of the racist state. Understanding this history displays the how the prison regime is not a broken system, but rather enacting its intentions, thus enabling the demand to respond to this system of genocidal violence with the practice of abolitionist organizing.

2009 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 348 words || 
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5. O'Brien, Colleen. "“From Hayti to Timbuktu: The Roots of Black Labor Ideology in Radical Abolitionist New York”" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Renaissance Hotel, Washington D.C., <Not Available>. 2019-09-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p315081_index.html>
Publication Type: Internal Paper
Abstract: In the 1840s, New Yorkers and future founders of the Radical Abolition Party, James M’Cune Smith and Gerrit Smith, would begin collaborating with Charles Ray to plan an agricultural community called Timbuktu in upstate New York. Eventually led by John Brown, who would become the martyr of Harpers Ferry, Timbuktu was supposed to be the province of free slaves. This paper focuses on the way that stories of the Haytian Revolution created an exchange of ideas among a group of friends—including both Smiths and John Brown, William Wells Brown, and Frederick Douglass—that helped to develop an emphasis on land ownership and a revolutionary black labor ideology as the foundation of citizenship and belonging in a post-slavery republic.

The focus on landscape and labor is one of the consistent threads running through various speeches and essays about the Haytian Revolution; the two Smiths and two Browns were particularly avid recorders of Toussaint’s accomplishments. For example, M’Cune Smith reports on Toussaint’s successful economic rebuilding of Hayti in the last decade of the nineteenth century; William Wells Brown echoes this detail in The Black Man, His Antecedents, His Genius, and His Achievements (1863), emphasizing Toussaint’s success in “promot[ing] agriculture” and restoring the island to “what it had formerly been” while simultaneously erasing “every vestige of slavery and all obstacles to freedom” (99). In addition to the rhetorical convention of reminding us that the only extant records of Toussaint’s genius are written by his enemies, Wells Brown, M’Cune Smith, and white abolitionist Wendell Phillips all herald Toussaint’s work ethic and his ability to restore the island of Haiti to near its formidable pre-revolutionary productivity. Toussaint exhorted his countrymen to work; his 1796 proclamation on the Villate affair addressed his people as “friends,” stating “I implore you, for your happiness, shun the rebels and the wicked; busy yourselves with work. France, your good mother, will reward you.” As Wells Brown also notes, the “prosperity of Hayti under [Toussaint’s] governorship” was inseparable from the conversion of alienated slave labor to a definition of work that connected the free laborer to land and rights (99).

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