Guest  

 
Search: 
Search By: SubjectAbstractAuthorTitleFull-Text

 

Showing 1 through 5 of 2,899 records.
Pages: Previous - 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 ... 580 - Next  Jump:
2007 - American Political Science Association Pages: 27 pages || Words: 8669 words || 
Info
1. Park, Seo-Hyun. "Anti-American or Anti-Great Power? The Unexceptionality of Anti-Americanism in Korean Politics" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL, Aug 30, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-06-16 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p209093_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Rising anti-American sentiments in South Korea have recently been at the center of much discussion and analysis by scholars and pundits concerned about the deterioration of bilateral relations between the formerly staunch allies. Although differing in their diagnoses, most analyses agree that the current round of anti-Americanism in Korean politics is relatively new and unprecedented, shaped by a confluence of domestic and external factors. The election of President Roh Moo-hyun and his progressive cabinet has directly challenged all corners of Korean politics and society as well as conservative elites. The result has been the unleashing of fierce domestic debates on the future of Korean security, asking Koreans to choose either “alliance or self-reliance.” This shift in Korean attitudes toward the U.S. is also seen as part of a new wave of anti-Americanism throughout the world, a global backlash against the hegemonic influence of the U.S. as the lone superpower with the end of the Cold War.
Either attributed to a case of Korean exceptionalism or U.S. exceptionalism, the current trend of anti-Americanism in Korea is treated as a unique moment in history. In this paper, I argue instead that Korea’s brand of anti-Americanism is actually a manifestation of anti-Great Power-ism, which is not new in the history of Korean politics. In fact, President Roh’s election platform of finding autonomy and self-reliance demonstrates close parallels with the anti-Qing mobilization in turn-of-the-century Korea. Anti-Great Power-ism (anti-sadae) emerged as a potent tool of political mobilization in the late 19th century, when the newly created Reform/Enlightenment Party made their criticism of the existing policy of “revering Great Powers” (sadae) the centerpiece of their attack against the conservative establishment. Even though sadae was originally a pragmatic policy of accommodating the powerful Qing, marking a departure from a cultural-ideological emulation of Ming China, it was stigmatized during 19th century politics as subservient and Great Power-dependent. What we see then is the emergence and recurrence of anti-Great Power-ism as a powerful tool for political challengers in their mobilization against the established regime in Korea. By comparing the progressives’ political mobilization processes in the late 19th century and in 2002-2006, I show that today’s anti-Americanism is actually a continuation of anti-China-ism seen from a broader historical perspective.

2013 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 453 words || 
Info
2. Field, Les. "Anti-Left, Anti-indigenous... Anti-semitic?: Israeli Alliances in Latin America in the 1980s and their Legacies" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Hilton Washington, Washington, DC, <Not Available>. 2019-06-16 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p656858_index.html>
Publication Type: Internal Paper
Abstract: In the late 1970s, the Israeli military and governmental apparatus established a constellation of tactical and political alliances with right-wing and right-wing military regimes in Latin America, including (but not limited to): the final days of the Somoza regime in Nicaragua; the military-dominated regime in Honduras; successive military juntas in Guatemala; and, the military regime in Argentina. These alliances developed in the 1980s and fluoresced during particular series of event that took place in the iconic year 1982: the high profile commitment to arming the Nicaraguan contras based on the Honduran border, as well as direct aid to the Honduran military made by Israeli General Ariel Sharon; the flow of Israeli made weaponry to the Guatemalan military as well as the implementation of an Israeli designed computer-based security system that was directly responsible for the imprisonment and death of thousands of suspected “subversives; Israel’s role in arming the Argentine military during the 1982 Falklands War that took place at the same time the Argentine military was engaged in an anti-Semitic campaign against the Jewish population of that country as part of the “guerra sucia.” These events coincided with Israel’s 1982 invasion of Lebanon; indeed the invasion of Lebanon intersected with Israel’s involvement in these Latin America theatres of conflict in particular ways, such as the Israeli decision to ship weapons captured from PLO fighters in southern Lebanon to the contras in Honduras. At the same time Israel pursued these interventions, alliances between progressive forces brought together left wing social movements in Central America and Palestine. In particular, the relationship between the Guerra Popular Prolongada (GPP) faction of the Nicaraguan Sandinista Front and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a member organization of the PLO, was based upon resonant ideological discourses the two movements shared. The two movements cooperated in a number of ways, and when the Sandinistas were victorious in their guerrilla campaign to dislodge the Somoza dynasty and implement a social revolution in Nicaragua, they provided a home base for the PLO and PFLP to broaden their relationships with a plethora of left movements in Central America. After reviewing this history and how it all seemed to come together in 1982, the discussion seeks to illuminate perspectives on how Israel’s contemporary interventions in Latin America maintain their commitment to an anti-left and anti-indigenous politics that appears little changed from their profile in the 1980s; while at the same time to conditions of alliance between progressive forces in Latin American and the Middle East seem fundamentally transformed. This paper seeks to query the contemporary situation based upon the analysis of the previous history and ask questions about movements for change and resistance in the contemporary moment.

2013 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 196 words || 
Info
3. Hassan, Salah. "Historicizing Boycott Politics: Anti-Colonial, Anti-Apartheid, Anti-Occupation" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Hilton Washington, Washington, DC, <Not Available>. 2019-06-16 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p656831_index.html>
Publication Type: Internal Paper
Abstract: This paper begins with the premise that boycotts are a difficult and demanding form of collective politics. To understand the logic of boycott politics, especially in relation to the Palestinian campaign for a cultural and academic boycott of Israel, this paper works through a series of contrasting situations. It begins by setting a historical context for thinking about the Cultural and Academic Boycott of Israel. First, it provides an overview of the Irish anti-colonial origins of the concept of boycott in the late 19th century and then it discusses the more contemporary model through reference to the anti-apartheid boycott of South Africa in the 1980s. This background brings to the fore relevant colonial settler politics that informs not only the strategy of nationalist boycotts past and present, but also explains the networks of international solidarity with Palestinian boycott politics. The paper then will examine contrasting responses to the call for an academic and cultural boycott of Israel by US-based artists and intellectuals whose positions expose the complexity of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict and also the political opportunities offered by boycott politics as an alternative to the failed and often divisive strategies of the Palestinian Authority and Hamas.

2017 - AEJMC Pages: unavailable || Words: 8925 words || 
Info
4. Hughes, Ceri. "Anti-Europe, anti-immigrant and anti-party: UKIP issue ownership and the road to Brexit." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the AEJMC, Chicago Marriott Downtown Magnificent Mile, Chicago, IL, Aug 09, 2017 Online <PDF>. 2019-06-16 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1282339_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) was the only large UK political party universally in support of the Leave campaign in the 2016 European Union referendum. All the other major UK political parties were completely or mainly on the side of Remain. Yet UKIP won. Using a mixed methodology of content analysis and debate network analysis, this research illustrates how UKIP effectively conflated the issues of Europe and immigration throughout the run-up to the 2015 General Election and were given partial ownership of, and competence on, the issue. They placed themselves as an “antiparty” party, outside “establishment” politics on the side of “ordinary people”. This placed them in a strong position to potentially dictate the discourse agenda leading to the referendum. This illustrates that smaller parties can be granted elite status to set agenda on germane issues. This research also concludes that UKIP’s “fundi/antiparty” strategy and success identifies a potential path for core-issue parties.

2008 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 275 words || 
Info
5. Said, Atef. "Old Wine in a New Bottle: When Egyptian Anti-Imperialism Becomes Anti-Americanism and Vice-Versa" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Hyatt Regency, Albuquerque, New Mexico, Oct 16, 2008 <Not Available>. 2019-06-16 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p244759_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: While affirming that it is difficult to draw one general picture of the heterogeneous Arab communities, this paper will analyze the discourses of a variety of Egyptian intellectuals and leaders of the anti-war movement in Egypt in the post –September 11th period. I will explore the limitations of sociological theories that reduce anti-Americanism in the context of the war on terror to “hatred or critiques against the hegemony of U.S. culture and lifestyle” or the clash of civilizations thesis. My argument is two fold. First, I will argue that anti-Americanism in Egypt is as diverse as the variety of political factions and groupings in Egypt and is constantly shifting based on each faction or groups’ relationship to the state (or state power). Second, I will argue that each form of anti-Americanism in Egypt is constituted by multiple and intersecting discourses and ideologies. In other words, reductionist frameworks such as those that seek to explain religious movements solely through a religious studies framework cannot explain the complexity of the Muslim Brotherhood, a group that is inspired by faith in addition to competition over political power vis-à-vis the Egyptian state. Through an exploration of the discourses and movements of 1) Islamists; 2) Nasserist-pan Arab nationalist; and 3) Marxist intellectuals and activists in Egypt, I will argue that theoretical frameworks that transgress a singular framework of analysis (such as “religion” or “economics”) and instead, highlight the intersections of culture, religion, nationalism, and imperialism are required in order to capture the complexities and nuances of anti-Americanism movements and the overlap between anti-Americanism and anti-imperialism in Egypt, particularly in the aftermath of September 11th.

Pages: Previous - 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 ... 580 - Next  Jump:

©2019 All Academic, Inc.   |   All Academic Privacy Policy