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2005 - International Studies Association Pages: 27 pages || Words: 20483 words || 
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1. Quirk, Joel. "The Antislavery Project - Bridging the Historical and the Contemporary" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Mar 05, 2005 <Not Available>. 2019-09-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p70742_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper explores various linkages between the historical events surrounding the legal abolition of slavery, and the widespread and often longstanding practices that fall under the rubric of ‘contemporary forms of slavery’. Slavery is routinely characterized as an obvious wrong, which belongs in the past. This complacent viewpoint belies a range of complex and enduring problems. According to one recent estimate, there are around 27 million slaves in the world today. In this paper, I suggest that one of the main limitations of the often impressive and underutilized literature on contemporary slavery is a recurrent tendency to downplay or disregard the historical roots of current problems, in favor of a sharp distinction between ‘new’ and ‘old’ slavery. Employing a macro-historical perspective, I take up the complex relationship between the historical and contemporary, developing the concept of an ‘Anti-Slavery Project’, which builds upon the notion that the present status quo reflects both the remarkable achievements and substantial limitations of legal abolition.

2008 - APSA 2008 Annual Meeting Pages: 36 pages || Words: 10652 words || 
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2. Dyer, Justin. "After the Revolution: Somerset and the Antislavery Tradition in American Constitutional Development" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2008 Online <PDF>. 2019-09-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p279533_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: By declaring in Somerset v. Stewart (1772) that the nature of slavery is “so odious, that nothing can be suffered to support it but positive law,” Lord Chief Justice Mansfield placed himself firmly in that jurisprudential tradition that distinguishes between the law of nature and the law posited in any particular jurisdiction. In this essay, I trace the principle laid down in Somerset through several cases that occurred during the first quarter of the 19th century, and I pay particular attention to two conservative judicial opinions in the 1820’s: Chief Justice Marshall’s opinion in The Antelope (1825) and Lord Stowell’s opinion in The Slave Grace (1827). Rather than reflecting the triumph of illiberal constitutional theories or aspirations, I argue that these decisions demonstrate the limitations of the antislavery tradition in constitutional adjudication when other practical political questions weighed heavily on the judicial mind.

2009 - Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference Words: 120 words || 
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3. Carpenter, Daniel., Moore, Colin. and Nall, Clayton. "Public Infrastructure and Political Mobilization: The Erie Canal and Antislavery Petitioning, 1835-1839" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, <Not Available>. 2019-09-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p363439_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Do long-distance transportation corridors facilitate the spread of political activity? In political science, social network scholars have adopted epidemiological metaphors to explain the diffusion of political behavior. But most scholars have focused on community social networks and have only rarely applied models that demonstrate the spread of health epidemics along major highways and other transportation routes. Drawing upon an original dataset of 4,500 geocoded and dated antislavery petitions to Congress, we study how_x000d_construction of the first major American transportation corridor—the Erie Canal and adjacent railroads—accelerated the spread of antislavery petitioning throughout Upstate New York during the 1830s._x000d_Controlling for other predictors of antislavery sentiment, we show that proximity to the Erie Canal corridor increased the probability that individuals signed antislavery petitions.

2012 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 257 words || 
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4. Luis-Brown, David. "The Racial Conundrum of Latin American Cosmopolitanism: Plácido and La Escalera in a Neglected Cuban Antislavery Novel by Orihuela" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Puerto Rico Convention Center and the Caribe Hilton., San Juan, Puerto Rico, <Not Available>. 2019-09-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p569514_index.html>
Publication Type: Internal Paper
Abstract: In 1852, Andrés Avelino de Orihuela, in exile in Paris, translated Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin twice. After publishing the first translation of Stowe’s novel into Spanish, he then “translated” Stowe in a different way: he took up the challenge to write a Cuban antislavery novel. In El Sol de Jesús del Monte (1852) the character Eduardo embodies the conundrum of race within cosmopolitanism: he proudly proclaims himself an egalitarian citizen of the world yet betrays his mulatto lover Matilde for a white woman. In this sentimental melodrama that elicits sympathy for victims of racism, Eduardo's rejection of Matilde signifies a failed national romance à la Doris Sommer. When Matilde’s family flees to Veracruz and builds a new life there, Orihuela represents mulattoes as not simply subordinate to whites, as in Stowe, but instead as embodying the mixed-race future of Latin America.

The novel's critique of Eduardo via the dual victimization of Matilde’s family and the mulatto poet Plácido in the repression of La Escalera (1843-44), a series of antislavery and anticolonial conspiracies, points to Orihuela's conceptualization of a "vernacular cosmopolitanism" (Bhabha) for Latin America. This critical cosmopolitanism implicitly links the scapegoating of free people of color in La Escalera with mulatto phobia among republican revolutionaries like Simón Bolívar, who assassinated two prominent mulatto leaders in the 1820s for allegedly promoting pardocracia (rule by light-skinned mulattoes). Bolívar had called for Latin American independence to oppose slavery, yet limited democracy to ward off the threat of another Haiti in Gran Colombia.

2017 - APSA Annual Meeting & Exhibition Words: 297 words || 
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5. Nichanian, Daniel. "Antislavery fighting, and the struggle to define slave competence" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Annual Meeting & Exhibition, TBA, San Francisco, CA, <Not Available>. 2019-09-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1248570_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper asks how abolitionists like David Walker and Frederick Douglass sought to frame the use of violence by slaves in light of antebellum society’s expectations regarding slaves’ capacity for fighting. First, I situate their interventions in the context of an apparent tension within the white supremacist discourses that justified American slavery. On the one hand, episodes of violence were used to further indict black agents as incapable of rational action; on the other hand, slaves were represented as lacking the capacity to fight, as revealed most clearly in the debates that agitated the Confederacy as to whether to enlist slaves in the army. The gap between these representations grew widest, I suggest, in responses to successful episodes of mutiny or organized revolt. Second, I consider how this ambivalence shaped how abolitionists approached slaves’ capacity for fighting, especially when it came to depicting or advocating mutinies. That slaves were represented as lacking the capacity to fight blurred one of the typical dilemmas that a turn to violence as part of emancipatory direct action faces, namely that it may reinforce prevailing expectations of who can engage in what sort of practice. Yet the unusual opportunity afforded to abolitionists to shift these expectations by highlighting instances of fighting, as Douglass does in “The Heroic Slave,” also required navigating the discordant discourses as to what this capacity signals. In short, how do depictions of fighting slaves participate in the struggle over the question of capacity? More broadly, what does this tell us about what it takes for an exercise of resistive or emancipatory agency to be perceived as a sign of political competence rather than disorder? And what does this tell us about what it takes for the pursuit of such recognition to retain an emancipatory rather than assimilationist promise?

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