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Showing 1 through 5 of 52 records.
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2006 - American Society of Criminology (ASC) Words: 91 words || 
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1. Blackwell, Kevin. and Hofer, Paul. "The Booker Report: The Effects of Race in Federal Sentencing Pre- and Post-Booker/Fanfan" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology (ASC), <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p127687_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The Supreme Court’s Booker/Fanfan decision on January 12, 2005 had a profound effect on federal sentencing, as it changed the federal sentencing guidelines from mandatory to advisory. The United States Sentencing Commission released a report detailing the federal court’s response to the United States v Booker decision in March of 2006. One of the major findings of the report was the effect of the decision on certain demographic factors, most importantly, race. This paper will detail these findings and further analyze the results from the March 2006 report.

2003 - American Sociological Association Words: 129 words || 
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2. Newby, Robert. "Revisiting Booker T. and W. E. B.: The 21st Century Struggle Between 'Appeasement and Submission' Versus Agitation and Protest" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta Hilton Hotel, Atlanta, GA, Aug 16, 2003 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p106426_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: At the close of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century there was a major clash of ideas about how to improve the status of black Americans between the Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. Dubois. Booker T. represented plans that called for pursuing that equality based upon white acceptance. W.E.B. DuBois in his Souls Of Black Folk challenged Booker T's leadership by calling for agitation and Protest. As the 20th Century closed and the 21st century begins, we find similar set of oppositional ideas between a black right wing agenda that supports dismantling a longstanding civil rights agenda and progressive forces that seek to enhance the civil rights of blacks. This presentation provides an analysis to the similarities and differences in these two periods.

2008 - The Law and Society Association Words: 175 words || 
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3. Cain, Terrence. "Do Drug Possession Statutes that Impute an Intent to Distribute Violate the Sixth Amendment in Light of Apprendi, Blakely, and Booker?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, Hilton Bonaventure, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, May 27, 2008 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p236718_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Numerous drug possession statutes impute an intent to distribute if the accused possesses an amount of the substance at or above some statutorily defined amount. At trial, the defendant has the burden of rebutting this presumption, rather than the prosecution having the burden of proving intent beyond a reasonable doubt. If the defendant does not testify or does not mount some other defense to rebut the presumption of intent, the presumption goes unrebutted and the defendant will be found guilty of illegal possession in addition to the separate offense of intent to distribute.

Under Booker, Blakely, and Apprendi, any fact other than prior conviction that increases the maximum penalty for a crime must be charged in an indictment, submitted to a jury, and proved beyond a reasonable doubt. This paper examines whether criminal statutes that impute an element of an offense to the defendant that the defendant has to rebut, rather than the prosecution having to prove beyond a reasonable doubt, violate the Sixth Amendment under Booker, Blakely, and Apprendi, and their progeny.

2010 - 95th Annual Convention Words: 346 words || 
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4. Wiggan, Greg. "First Black Presidents, Barack Obama and the Political Economy: A Comparative Analysis with Frederick Douglass and Booker T. Washington" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 95th Annual Convention, Raleigh Convention Center, Raleigh, North Carolina, Sep 29, 2010 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p424385_index.html>
Publication Type: Individual Paper
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The issue of racial and ethnic equality has posed one of the most enduring challenges in the history of the United States. During the nineteenth-century, Frederick Douglass emerged as one of the most important black leaders and abolitionist. Douglass, a towering intellectual who was admired and supported by many white Americans, devoted his life to improving race relations and the social conditions of African Americans. However, in spite of Douglass’ work, racial and ethnic Apartheid persisted in the United States and this was most evident to non-whites. At the turn of the twentieth-century, W. E. B. Du Bois argued that the “problem of the color line” was the most serious threat to the notion of an American democracy. During this time, Booker T. Washington succeeded Frederick Douglass and was symbolically anointed as the “first President of black America,” an honor bestowed upon him by mainstream press, northern philanthropic foundations, many white Americans and even some African Americans. During the early twentieth-century, Washington, the politician, educator, strategist and “black President;” was the most important black leader in America. Although at times he was misunderstood and often forced into compromising decision-making, as “President,” Washington used his popularity, power and resources to create new opportunities for African Americans. This paper proposes that a century later, the historicity surrounding the Presidency of Barack Obama, is both a continuation and a culmination of the work done by previous generations and historic black leaders. It further argues that Obama’s presidency symbolically reflects how far the nation has come in improving racial and ethnic relations, and how much more work it needs to accomplish. The paper explores the lives and contributions of Frederick Douglass, Booker T. Washington and Barack Obama in relation to the political economy. While synthesizing and contrasting the work of these three popular black figures, the findings reveal social and political strategies and contradictions, as each leader, particularity Washington and Obama; attempt to simultaneously improve race relations and the democratic process at home and abroad; while meeting the expectations of special interest groups and while preserving the hegemonic capitalist empire.

2012 - Southern Political Science Association Pages: unavailable || Words: 12686 words || 
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5. Jagmohan, Desmond. "Booker T. Washington’s Education for Freedom" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel InterContinental, New Orleans, Louisiana, Jan 12, 2012 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p544962_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This essay will argue that behind Booker T. Washington’s educational writings, with its seeming separatism, laid a subversive politics. Washington argued for “the power of education to inspire, to uplift, and to regenerate the masses of the people” beyond the life of the mind and toward bringing the collective Black citizen into being. It did so through grassroots organizing for “free schools” and a “vocational” curriculum aimed at overcoming the legacy of slavery, blocking out the effects of Jim Crow, and providing enabling conditions for freedom. The essay will proceed by first offering a reading of Washington’s educative writings that locates them beyond the prevailing interpretation of advancing a bourgeois individualist ethos. Second, it will explicate Washington’s reasons for arguing African Americans, in the era of Jim Crow in the segregationist South, should reconstitute themselves by reconstructing their segregated communities around an autonomous school committed to a specific form of education. The autonomous local school should therefore serve freedom by developing and realizing in each community, habits, virtues, skills, and practices of democratic citizenship. Third, the essay will show how Washington’s curriculum aimed to teach students how to causally identify the mechanisms of domination and then formulate practical repertories of resistance that realize freedom outside the traditional arenas of democratic politics.

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