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2009 - Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference Words: 100 words || 
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1. Cho, Hye Jee. "IMF Programs and Sovereign Credit Ratings: _x000d_Do IMF Programs Help Leftist Governments Restore Investor Confidence?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, <Not Available>. 2019-04-21 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p363160_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Leftist governments in the developing world are perceived as risky for private investment_x000d_because of their greater policy uncertainty and more frequent property rights infringement. Focusing on government bond markets, this paper empirically examines whether leftist governments are penalized in international markets and whether international institutions that are believed to provide policy credibility can help these governments gain investor confidence. Specifically, I focus on the effect of IMF conditionality. Using selection-corrected, time-series-cross-sectional statistical analyses of sovereign credit ratings data of more than 100 countries from 1980 to 2004, I find that IMF conditionality helps leftist governments in developing countries_x000d_improve investor confidence.

2007 - International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention Pages: 13 pages || Words: 5409 words || 
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2. Momani, Bessma. "Locating IMF Ideas and Measuring the Impact of IMF Research" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association 48th Annual Convention, Hilton Chicago, CHICAGO, IL, USA, Feb 28, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-04-21 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p179339_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The IMF has often been highlighted as a key disseminator of international economic norms and ideas. It has been further argued that the IMF can create and mold state behavior because of its noted authority and highly regarded expertise. This suggests that Fund shareholders are not always capable of controlling the inside ideas of the Fund staff. The IMF staff have a depoliticized space, or a ?zone of discretion? in principal-agent terms, from which to develop ideas, policies, and programs. This paper seeks to locate and map these ideas emanating from the IMF- particularly those ideas coming from the Research Department and Policy Development Review Department- by classifying, and then quantifying, the number of research topics found in recent Fund publications. After cataloguing the Fund?s ideas, this paper seeks to measure their possible impact on other parts of the IMF, particularly on area departments which must propose policy prescriptions to borrowing members, and on the economics academia. Locating internally generated Fund ideas and measuring their possible impact on both Fund policies and the wider ?like-minded? community will help lend empirical teeth to norm-dissemination theories.

2008 - APSA 2008 Annual Meeting Pages: 41 pages || Words: 12714 words || 
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3. Ozdemir, Yonca. "With or Without the IMF? A Comparison of the Role of the IMF in Argentina and Turkey’s Recovery from the 2001 Financial Crises" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2008 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2019-04-21 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p278678_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Turkey and Argentina both had a severe financial crisis in 2001 which had disastrous social and economic effects. These two countries followed different paths for their recovery from the crises. Argentina is a case that has recovered with a hard stand against the IMF and Turkey is a case which has recovered by surrendering to the IMF. Turkey, with the exceptional help it received from the IMF, followed a strict structural adjustment program advised by the IMF. On the other hand, Argentina was abandoned by all creditors, including the IMF, in the midst of its crisis. It defaulted on its debt and then restructured its bonds. By 2007 both countries have economically recovered but with different degrees. Taking the official goal of the IMF into consideration, one would expect Turkey to have a faster and healthier recovery. However, Turkey had a faster but a less healthy recovery. Argentina ended up with more growth, less unemployment, and much better current account and trade balance compared to Turkey. Then, is the IMF help a curse, not a cure, for the developing nations which face financial crises? It looks like the answer is “yes,” at least for the long term. This paper argues that the IMF hinders diverse and potentially more successful macroeconomic policies in developing countries. In fact, as shown by the Argentine case, during financial crises relying on the domestic sources of strength and following more independent policies may work better than the IMF sponsored policies.

2012 - Southern Political Science Association Words: 338 words || 
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4. Wang, Di. "Who Halts IMF-Backed Reforms? Privatization, the IMF, and Domestic Politics" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel InterContinental, New Orleans, Louisiana, <Not Available>. 2019-04-21 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p545922_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Countries approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs for assistance are usually subject to a set of conditionalities. In a recent review of 40 Poverty Reduction and Growth Facilities (PRGFs), privatization is included as a condition in over half of them. However, there is a very uneven record of privatizations in the IMF debtor countries. Two questions, then, arise with regard to the impact of IMF programs: what is the impact of IMF conditionality on privatization in borrowing countries? If the IMF is indeed one of the world’s most powerful international institutions, why is there no clear association between IMF lending and privatization in the developing world?
Perhaps surprisingly, with very few exceptions, existing scholarship does not directly address this question. This paper attempts to fill in this gap by first reevaluating the widely accepted “political cover” argument. By closely studying the interactions of domestic political opposition and IMF programs, the paper introduces a preliminary “Triple-P” model and sheds light on the mechanisms and dynamics of the interaction between IMF and domestic politics on privatization in debt countries. It examines the importance of the domestic political factors, namely the perception of the domestic population towards the privatization reform, and argues that the IMF loans can have positive effects on privatizations when domestic political conditions are favorable. This argument is supported by the empirical evidence.
The value of this research is twofold. First, after carefully examining the literature with regard to both the IMF loans and privatization, I find that conventional wisdom on “political cover” argument is under challenge. Hence, I examine four types of combination between domestic and international pressures in relation to privatization. In doing so, I introduce a “Triple-P” model and offer several possible explanations for the different levels of privatizations drawn from the model. Second, I conduct an empirical analysis to test the “Triple-P” model. So far, only one paper on IMF lending programs and privatization has been published (Brune, et al. 2003). I will compare some of my empirical results with theirs and discuss my findings.

2011 - International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition" Words: 198 words || 
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5. MidtgÃ¥rd, Trude. "The IMF and the Citizens: An Analysis of Political Influence in the Wake of IMF Programs" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition", Le Centre Sheraton Montreal Hotel, MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA, Mar 16, 2011 <Not Available>. 2019-04-21 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p502353_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In economic crises, some kind of economic adjustment is needed. In severe crises austerity measures to adjust the economy can spur severe social unrest. Governments can choose between several strategies to handle such responses. An immediate response is repression, but this is not the only strategy available. If the adjustment programs are of external origin, like the conditionality from the International Monetary Fund, the number of strategies available increases. Previous research suggests that program interruption, compensation, and allowing new channels of political influence to emerge can be possible additional responses to social unrest caused by IMF reforms. These strategies are not mutually exclusive, and can be, and probably are, utilized simultaneously. This paper contributes by conducting an empirical analysis on whether programs from the IMF influence the emergence of new political channels. Marginalized political parties and civil and religious organizations may feed off the discontent and emerge as a genuine challenge to government authority. Financial flows from the IMF (WDI) and time under structural adjustment (Abouharb & Cingranelli 2007) is used to test IMF influence on several indicators measuring change in the political status quo, like government crises, the number of veto players, and disaggregated measures of democracy.

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