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2009 - WPSA ANNUAL MEETING "Ideas, Interests and Institutions" Pages: 38 pages || Words: 19748 words || 
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1. Cagossi, Alessandro. "The Effects of Non-Negotiable and Partially-Negotiable Domestic Factors in the Monetary Union: Flexible integration, Skeptical Integration and Europeanized Integration" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the WPSA ANNUAL MEETING "Ideas, Interests and Institutions", Hyatt Regency Vancouver, BC Canada, Vancouver, BC, Canada, Mar 19, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2019-04-23 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p316931_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The aim of this paper is to investigate why convergence is so difficult in the EU Monetary Union. My hypothesis is that Non-Negotiable Domestic Factors (N-NDFs) and Partially-Negotiable Domestic Factors (P-NDFs) play a pivotal role in both monetary Integration and Europeanization. N-NDFs are radically or irreducibly different from, while Partially-Negotiable Domestic Factors (P-NDFs) are significantly different from the ones the EU dictates to its members.
I apply these two concepts to redefine two well-known approaches. Looking at “flexible integration”, my hypothesis is that the UK, Denmark and Sweden failed to enter into the Eurozone because some Non-Negotiable leadership’ and citizens’ beliefs prevailed. With regard to “Uploading Europeanization”, Germany was only partly successful in uploading its Deutsche Bank system to the EU level because it was obliged to partially negotiate with other members its proneness to play as a leader in monetary policy.
Furthermore, I use N-NDFs and P-NDFs to define two brand new processes. “Skeptical integration” refers to the cases of Italy’s and Greece’s dubious attitudes toward monetary union caused by Partially-Negotiable Domestic Factors (P-NDFs) such as internal policy heritage that heavily constrained the Euro implementation. Finally, “Europeanized Integration” led to new members of Eastern Europe to obtain a successful entrance delay into the Eurozone because a lack of integration process brought to a forced and subsequently unsuccessful Europeanization, meaning that new members integrated in an already Europeanized context. Taken together, these four approaches synoptically explain rejections that occurred in the EMU by both old and new members.

2008 - Northeastern Political Science Association Words: 22 words || 
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2. Cagossi, Alessandro. "The Effects of Non-Negotiable and Partially Negotiable Domestic Factors in the Monetary Union: Flexible Integration, Skeptical Integration, and Europeanized Integration" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Northeastern Political Science Association, Omni Parker House, Boston, MA, <Not Available>. 2019-04-23 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p281812_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper looks at how non-negotiable and partially negotiable factos affected ratification of treaties and support for further integration within the EU.

2011 - Eighteenth International Conference of the Council for European Studies Words: 261 words || 
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3. Schnabel, Annette. and grötsch, florian. "Integration – what integration? The religious impact on social cohesion or the European framing of religious integration?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Eighteenth International Conference of the Council for European Studies, Various University Venues, Barcelona, Spain, <Not Available>. 2019-04-23 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p484806_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Stability and cohesion became in the development of European integration more and more discussed themes. Since the founding of the European Union, religion became an increasingly important aspect of shaping European identity and thereby social cohesion at the European level.
Beside this developments on the European level scholars from social science discussed the role and importance of religion for social cohesion and individual integration.
Social cohesion depends to a high degree on a successfully established distinction between 'us' and 'them'. This distinction is manifested in self-conceptualisations of the (more or less) imagined communities people identify with. Within these self-conceptualisations, religion can be traced as an important marker:
In this paper, we combine a document analysis of central documents of the Commission with a quantitative analysis of individual attitudes in order to test of the central assumption of the European Commission that Religion possesses special powers for integrating and linking people in
the European integration project.
The quantitative analysis is conducted as a multi-level analysis. We therefore employ data from the European Value Survey 1990, 2000, 2008 and country-level data from different sources to include the nation-state's legal and institutional framework. The data show that in fact over a nearly 20 years' period, the perception and role of religion is changing and religion gets interleaved with the European project as an identity project with religion as a key factor.
We will discuss the influences and interferences between the different levels and the different aspects of religion and the role of the religion for social cohesion in Europe and the European member states.

2009 - ISA - ABRI JOINT INTERNATIONAL MEETING Pages: 26 pages || Words: 9684 words || 
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4. Laursen, Finn. "Institutional vs. Leadership Requirements for Regional Integration: The European Union, MERCOSUR and Other Integration Schemes Compared" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA - ABRI JOINT INTERNATIONAL MEETING, Pontifical Catholic University, Rio de Janeiro Campus (PUC-Rio), Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Jul 22, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2019-04-23 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p381390_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: According to Andrew Moravcsik the EU has tried to secure ”credible commitments” by pooling and delegating sovereignty to common institutions. The European Commission and the European Court of Justice (ECJ) have what some scholars call supranational powers. An increasing number of decisions in the Council of Ministers can be taken by a qualified majority vote (QMV). According to other scholars, including Walter Mattli, leadership is important to overcome ”collective action problems” in international cooperation. This paper will contrast these different explanations of successful regional integration and compare the EU with integration in South America, MERCOSUR in particular. What is the current state of regional integration in South America? To what extent has MERCOSUR created autonomous common institutions? Have some member states been able to provide leadership, and if so, to what effect? The discussion will be put into a comparative perspective, referring also to other integration experiences in other parts of the world.

2009 - ISA - ABRI JOINT INTERNATIONAL MEETING Words: 443 words || 
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5. Berrón, Gonzalo. "Regional Integration and the Struggle for Pos-Neoliberal Projects: The Concept of "People´s Integration"" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA - ABRI JOINT INTERNATIONAL MEETING, Pontifical Catholic University, Rio de Janeiro Campus (PUC-Rio), Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Jul 22, 2009 <Not Available>. 2019-04-23 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p380871_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Social movements and organizations have been one of the main actors in the struggles against neoliberalism and negociations of free trade and investment agreements in Latin America. They have given a transformative and emancipatory character to the concept of civil society as a realm of contestation, where a counter hegemonic order can be found. In the last decades, civil society has become one of the main battlefields to recover citizen control over public life, specially contesting privatization of public goods and services and state’s reforms to facilitate transnational corporate investments, and consequently, decline and dismantle social and workers rights. The common struggle against the implementation of a Free Trade Area of the Americas has achieved continent wide mobilization, campaigns and common actions, which led to the construction of a new political sphere where different social forces could partly overcome divergent interests in a convergent common struggle. In particular moments, this new political sphere also included some economic sectors, and thereafter, some progressive governments which were being successively elected, and could incorporate some of social movement demands into official governmental agendas. Social movements could, along the process, deconstruct the idea of the state as an unitary actor, whose interests are national in a sense of neutrality, specially represented as interest of all, hiding social and class conflict behind a suppose unity. The political conjuncture in the beginning the 2000s was one of discredit of neoliberal ideology, specially evident after the Argentinean crisis. Latin-American movements started to claim that “another integration is possible”, what has been known as “people’s integration”, a concept which is still to be defined and fulfilled. The aim of this paper is to explore this concept and address some of the main questions it involves: How did the struggle against free trade agreements led to an alternative conception of regional integration? Regional integration what for and for whom? How do civil society and governments relate with each other in an alternative regional integration process? What are the prospects for implementation of a non institutional integration process, and how the current processes of formal and institutional integration relate to “people’s integration”? Moreover, we want to explore conceptual basis for people’s integration, such as “sovereignty”, “welfare”, “self-determination” and “non-intervention” related with claims to “the right of people’s over their lives and territories”. Is it possible to say that those concepts have been renewed through transnational civil society practices that challenge state boarders as much as capital has challenge it? How to conceptualize a shift of sovereignty, right over territory and self-determination from states to peoples, in this case peoples being not self-identical with their state citizenship and not separable by formal state boarders?

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