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2006 - American Political Science Association Pages: 41 pages || Words: 10298 words || 
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1. Ingram, Matthew. "The Politics of Subnational Judicial Performance: Judicial Efficiency in 17 Mexican States, 1993-1998" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott, Loews Philadelphia, and the Pennsylvania Convention Center, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 31, 2006 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p151199_index.html>
Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: State courts play a vital role in political and economic development in Latin America, yet they are neglected subjects of comparative judicial scholarship. A subnational level of analysis enhances the comparative leverage of judicial scholarship, and is substantively important since the majority of litigation originates in state courts. This study analyzes the efficiency of the criminal justice sector in 17 Mexican states. Greater judicial efficiency reduces congestion and delay – two harms identified with weak judiciaries – and also increases access to the courts by reducing the amount of time that any one case remains in court. This quantitative study of judicial efficiency tests social, political, economic, and institutional explanations of variation in efficiency across states and changes in efficiency over time. The results indicate that social, economic, and institutional pressures shape judicial efficiency in important ways. Additionally, the results suggest a counterintuitive negative relationship between competitive politics and efficiency.

2004 - The Law and Society Association Words: 229 words || 
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2. Hofnung, Menachem. "Judicial Politics and the Politics of Selecting Judges: Judicial Selection in Israel" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, Renaissance Hotel, Chicago, Illinois, May 27, 2004 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p117150_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: When a selection of judges turns out to be a political issue? Is there a connection between court decisions and the nomination process?
With the absence of written constitution and emergence of parliamentary system without checks and balances, the judicial branch in was initially regarded as the weakest arm of government in Israel. Selection of judges was considered then to be a-political process, based mainly on professional considerations.
The "weakness" of not having formally defined review powers, made it possible for the Court to incrementally increase its influence without being perceived as threatening the other branches of government. The High Court role during the 1980s and early 1990s was crucial in a situation of political stalemate. It helped strengthen democratic tendencies and probably prevented over politicization of various spheres of life. However, when the legislature decided to adapt to the new situation and granted the courts powers of limited judicial review, the courts were pushed into the center of political debate. The Israeli judiciary, which enjoyed professional autonomy and was relatively shielded from political interference, is no longer regarded as a neutral arbiter, but rather, as an active actor in the political arena. As such, professional practices such as nomination of justices and division of cases between justices have become the focus of political scrutiny, thereby posing a threat to future impartiality and independence of the judiciary.

2007 - The Law and Society Association Words: 217 words || 
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3. Candioti, Magdalena. "Building a Judicial System: Judicial Reform in Buenos Aires in the First Postcolonial Years (1810-1830)" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Law and Society Association, TBA, Berlin, Germany, Jul 25, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p181650_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper describes the juridical and judicial reforms in Buenos Aires (Argentina) in the two first decades of the independent period (1810-1830). After the collapse of Spanish rule and in the middle of a growing circulation of Enlightned discourses, Latin American elites faced the challenge of founding over new (secular, consensual) basis the political order. In that context, the rethoric of the “rule of law” and “government of law” became -if certainly an unachieved imperative- a shared argumentative place of creole elites.
Scholarship on legal history use to analyse in “transitional” term this period supposing the goals these actors “should have pursued” were evident and, doing so, it has neglect the specifity of the period itself. Focusing in the city of Buenos Aires, as a case study, this paper analyse the contemporary dilemmas around law and justice (the constitution of juries, the organisation of professional spheres, the use of judicial system to persecute political enemies, the division of powers) that politicians, publicists and a nascent “public opinion” discussed and the alternatives they considered, without judging them as incomplete or imperfect aplications of foreing ideas. Restore the contingent dimension of the administration of justice reforms in the revolutionary period and describe his gravitation in the actual feature of the judicial system are the main purposes of this essay.

2007 - Southern Political Science Association Pages: 27 pages || Words: 6823 words || 
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4. Dowling, Conor. and McGovern, Geoffrey. "Duvergerian Forces in Nonpartisan Judicial Elections: The Impact of Judicial Reform" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel InterContinental, New Orleans, LA, Jan 03, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p143775_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Previous scholarly work (Dubois 1979, 1980; Hall 2001) has called into question the purported advantages of nonpartisan judicial elections. In this paper, a potential benefit of nonpartisan elections distinct from these previous works -- that they may result in a greater number of alternatives from which to choose than partisan elections -- is examined. Using state supreme court election data, however, we do not find support for this hypothesis. Therefore, the precise benefits of using nonpartisan elections (as opposed to partisan elections) to elect state supreme court judges are still unknown. Other consequences of nonpartisan elections -- such as whether they result in more or less qualified candidates than partisan elections -- are also discussed.

2009 - Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference Words: 192 words || 
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5. Harriger, Katy. "Judicial Supremacy or Judicial Defense?: The Supreme Court and the Separation of Powers" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, <Not Available>. 2019-07-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p362374_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: For much of the 20th Century the Court allocated substantially more of its agenda to cases involving individual rights claims than to cases involving power distribution among governmental entities. The Court began deciding more significant separation of powers cases in the 1970’s and 1980’s, and in the latter decade and into the 1990’s also began to become significantly more interested in policing the federal system.In the first decade of the 21st century that trend has continued, with the Court now a key player in the legal controversies about presidential power during war time._x000d_How do we explain this development and what are its implications for inter-branch relations in the U.S. context? I explore these questions, arguing that the increased agenda space allocated to separation of powers cases is in part driven by political developments outside the court and in part by the judicial philosophy of justices on the Court. An examination of the conflicts addressed by the court and the way in which they have been resolved suggests a hierarchy of institutional “winners” and “losers” where the courts and the needs of the judicial process trump both Congressional and Executive assertions of power.

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