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2012 - BISA-ISA JOINT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE "DIVERSITY IN THE DISCIPLINE: TENSION OR OPPORTUNITY IN RESPONDING TO GLOBAL" Words: unavailable || 
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1. Macdonald Blakeley, Sean. "North East Asia, Security, North Korea, Nuclear Crisis, Coercive Diplomacy, comparative analysis US policy to North Korea during the 1993-4 and 2002-4 Nuclear Crisis Why did coercive diplomacy succeed in convincing North Korea not to leave the Nuclear Pr" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the BISA-ISA JOINT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE "DIVERSITY IN THE DISCIPLINE: TENSION OR OPPORTUNITY IN RESPONDING TO GLOBAL", Old Town district of Edinburgh, Edinburgh Scotland UK, Jun 20, 2012 <Not Available>. 2019-05-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p599148_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript

2007 - American Political Science Association Pages: 40 pages || Words: 12154 words || 
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2. Joo, Hyung-Min. "Imagining North Korea Differently: Changing Perceptions of "us" in Korea" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL, Aug 30, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-05-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p210912_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: From the viewpoint of the US, there is an interesting puzzle in the current North Korean nuclear crisis. That is, judging from public reactions, Americans seems to be much more threatened by North Korean nuclear weapons lying thousands of miles away than South Koreans just 20 or 30 miles from them. Indeed, whenever North Korea escalates its brinkmanship, the stark contrast between the alarm it produces in Washington and the cool response in Seoul highlights the ever-changing attitude of South Koreans who increasingly refuse to see North Korea as their enemy.
The main goal of this paper is to bring historical dimension to recent changes in the discursive construction of the image of North Korea among South Koreans. The Korean War (1950-1953) left deep scars between the two Koreas along with enormous social costs and human tragedies. Not surprisingly, there was little room for co-existence, let alone reconciliation, between them. As a result, North Korea was often portrayed as “a dangerous wolf” lurking in the darkness. By the early 1990s, however, it was obvious that the North Korean communist experiment had failed. In the meantime, South Korea had achieved dual goals of democratization and economic development. Under such circumstances, South Korea was able to take a more generous attitude towards its northern “half.” That is, North Korea was increasingly described not so much as a dangerous threat as a part of the same nation in desperate need of help from its “southern brother.”
The data for this paper come from official textbooks for the elementary education in South Korea. Elementary education (grades one to six) is mandatory in South Korea where the government author, authorizes and sponsors the contents of the textbooks so that the entire population studies the same textbook. Since the end of the Korean War, there have been seven textbook reforms in South Korea. By analyzing the major characteristics of these different versions of textbooks over time, we will be able to understand how South Koreans have been imagining their northern neighbor differently, from “a dangerous wolf” who is trying to attack at any moment to “our blood brother” who needs to be embraced for the coming unification.
Supporting Publications:
Supporting Document

2007 - American Political Science Association Pages: 37 pages || Words: 16307 words || 
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3. Arrington, Celeste. "Interest Group Influence in Policy-Making Processes: Comparing the Abductions Issue and North Korea Policy in Japan and South Korea" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL, Aug 30, 2007 <Not Available>. 2019-05-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p209641_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Japan and South Korea have historically been considered strong and rather autonomous states, particularly in the realms of foreign and defense policy. Recently, however, both governments have faced varying degrees of public criticism concerning the kidnappings of their citizens by North Korea (DPRK) and their policies toward the North. Theories of state autonomy in decision-making predict that the groups articulating such public demands should have minimal influence over policy-making. Yet, particularly since September 2002 when Kim Jong-Il admitted that the DPRK had abducted thirteen Japanese citizens in the 1970s and 1980s, the organization of Japanese abductees’ families has gained significant political influence. Though the analogous association in South Korea represents the bereaved of a much larger group of abductees, that group has not been able to gain equivalent access to and influence over policy-making processes in the South. Why have these groups had such different degrees of success in influencing their governments’ policies concerning the abductees and toward the DPRK?

This paper uses the lens of the abductions issue to shed light on the nature of state-society relations and interest mediation in these two countries. This project analyzes the variations in success among advocacy groups by focusing on a subcategory advocacy groups: victims’ organizations. These are groups of individuals who explicitly blame the deliberate actions or the negligence of their own government or another state for the physical harm they have suffered. By focusing on how changes in domestic political structures have altered the opportunity structure that victims’ family associations face, this paper analyzes what the unusual case of the abductee saga reveals about broader questions of institutional change, victims’ advocacy, and civil society’s role at the intersection of domestic and international politics in Japan and South Korea.

2004 - American Sociological Association Pages: 14 pages || Words: 6498 words || 
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4. Shin, Eui-Hang. "Correlates of the 2002 Presidential Election in South Korea:Regionalism, the Generation Gap, Anti-Americanism, and the North Korea Factor" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Hilton San Francisco & Renaissance Parc 55 Hotel, San Francisco, CA,, Aug 14, 2004 Online <.PDF>. 2019-05-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p108564_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper documents the candidate nomination processes of major political parties through primaries, compares the campaign platforms of major candidates, and investigates the factors that determined the election outcomes. I will focus on comparisons of the patterns of voting behavior in the 2002 election with those of the two previous presidential elections of 1992 and 1997. Special attention will be given to examining whether or nor the effects of regionalism on the election results have changed over the past three presidential elections.

2005 - The Midwest Political Science Association Pages: 26 pages || Words: 7661 words || 
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5. Suh, Susan. "Growing Pains: Explaining Recent Changes in South Korea?s Threat Perception of North Korea" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Midwest Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois, Apr 07, 2005 <Not Available>. 2019-05-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p84584_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Despite the lack of abatement in military capabilities of North Korea (in fact, it has increased with the acquisition of nuclear weapons program), why does South Korea see North Korea as less of a threat?

In spite of rapprochement policy started by the Kim Dae Jung administration, little has changed in North Korea. Pyongyang still desires to build and stockpile WMDs, continue its nuclear program and to build and export medium-range missiles. Its “military first” policy and goal to reunite the Korean peninsula under Kim Jong Il has not changed. However, South Korean government as well as the people’s perception of the North Korean threat has gone down. While the warm feelings stirred up by reconciliation efforts is understandable, the decline in threat perception is puzzling seeing that DPRK’s aggregate power capabilities have not changed to become more reassuring to South Korean security.
I argue that South Korea’s changed perception can be explained by the underpinning success of US deterrence in the Korean peninsula combined with changes in South Korea’s identity, shaped by rise of nationalism and democracy. This paper will illustrate that as South Korea’s national identity shifted from that of a poor divided country to a proud, confident and democratic state, increasing segment of the younger generation is eager to adopt a pan-Korean identity. South Korea’s new identity is headed and reinforced by the current South Korean leadership that seeks to find its place in the East Asian security environment. The general public is also eager to assert its newly established status in the global arena. Not all South Koreans view North Korea as a lesser threat – indeed, the current “South-South” conflict is a testament of that. South Korea’s internal conflict regarding North Korea is part of the identity change spurred on by democratization.

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