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2006 - American Studies Association Words: 485 words || 
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1. Royster, Francesca. "“Feeling Like a Woman, Looking Like a Man, Sounding Like a No-No:” Grace Jones’s Eccentric Sexuality”" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association, <Not Available>. 2018-10-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p114451_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: “Feeling Like a Woman, Looking Like a Man, Sounding Like a No-No:” Grace Jones’s Eccentric Sexuality”

     The darling of Andy Warhol and Keith Haring, Grace Jones is often associated with white gay male subculture. Yet we can see the sign of Grace in the vocal stylings of Nona Hendrix and Nena Cherry in the late 1980’s; in the stagecraft of Tina Turner’s post-Ike renaissance; and in the sartorial and sexual outrageousness of RuPaul and perhaps even Lil’ Kim and Foxy Browne in the 1990s,  moving into the twenty-first century. And we can also see Grace Jones explicitly referenced in African American and Caribbean art that might be outside of the realm of “entertainment”: New York visual and performance artist Lyle Ashton Harris’s “Memoirs of Hadrian #19” and Postmodern cubist Caribbean poet Deborah Richards, in “The Halle Berry One-Two,” for example. In Grace Jones’ work and that of the other black artists influenced by her, we see the wedding of disco and punk; art and fashion; male and female, animal and human, and human and machine to create new notions of black sexuality.
      Grace Jones counters and surpasses traditional notions of gendered erotic performances- for black women in particular-  by occupying and performing the image of  the black female body as “Strange” or “eccentric.”  Here, I call on Carla Peterson’s definition of “eccentric,” “insisting on its double meaning: the first evokes a circle not concentric with another, an axis not centrally placed (according to the dominant system), whereas the second extends the notion of off-centeredness to suggest freedom of movement stemming from the lack of central control and hence new possibilities of difference conceived as empowering oddness.” (Peterson xii).  Jones’ use of drag puts her into the larger history of African Diaspora performers using gender in complex ways. Jones’ drag and other techniques of performing identity pose challenges of readability. She is, in many ways a trickster figure, sliding out of grasp of both her fans and critics. Like three other trickster performers of color who rose to prominence during the same period of the 1980’s and early 1990’s– visual artist Jean-Michel Basquiat, whose works and life constantly poke fun at fears of black sexual potency; performance artist Coco Fusco, whose 1992 collaborations with Guillermo Gómez-Pena, the “Two Undiscovered Amerindians” series, document the “irony of having to demonstrate one’s humanity “ through over the top staged performances of the “savage” on display; and rapper Flavor Flav, “sideman” for the group Public Enemy, whose manic comic persona fueled the critical fire of many of Public Enemy’s most potent political songs-- – Jones uses an outsized, “eccentric” public persona—one that often risks caricature – to lobby critique and to express anger and ultimately, agency. In this  talk, I will explore Jones’ eccentric sexuality in the cultural context of the 1980’s and 1990’s, and the implications of her performances on recent theoretical discourses of transgender identity, drag and desire. 

2008 - International Communication Association Pages: 34 pages || Words: 11478 words || 
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2. Lee, Hye Eun., Park, Hee Sun. and Imai, Tatsuya. "Why Japanesr Are More Likely to Favor "Apology," While Americans Are More Likely to Favor "Thank You"" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, TBA, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, May 21, 2008 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2018-10-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p232588_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This study investigated which speech act is more preferred in favor asking between apologies and thanks in the US and Japan and further attempted to explore how positive and negative face concerns (Brown & Levinson, 1987) relate to preferences for apologies or thanks. For these goals, two survey studies were conducted. In study 1, 152 participants were asked to compose an email message for a situation where a favor was asked. In study 2, 634 participants were asked to fill out one of four versions of a questionnaire, which included a prototype of an email message for the situation described in study 1 and negative and positive face threats measurements. The findings showed that 1) a greater number of Japanese included apologies in their favor asking messages while a greater number of American messages contained, 2) Americans had stronger intentions to use thanks in their favor asking messages than did Japanese, whereas Japanese had stronger intentions to use an apology than Americans did, and 3) including an apology and/or thanks reduced the amount of some types of face threat perceived in favor asking message. Finally, implications and future research directions were discussed.

2018 - 89th Annual SPSA Conference Words: 249 words || 
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3. Jenkins, Clinton. "Like Parent, Like Child? Parental Transmission of Political Values in a High Choice Media" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 89th Annual SPSA Conference, Hyatt Regency, New Orleans, LA, Jan 04, 2018 <Not Available>. 2018-10-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1327127_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In recent decades the media environment has fragmented, with consumers increasingly having access to more media choices and partisan news sources. Over this same period, politically engaged parents have become more successful at passing on their political attitudes and behaviors to their offspring, while politically unengaged parents have become less successful. The result is a growing gap in the ability of engaged and unengaged parents to successfully socialize their children with similar political beliefs. I propose an explanation for this “transmission gap” focusing on changes to the media environment in recent decades.

I argue that as media consumption patterns have stratified along parental engagement levels, household media consumption can either strengthen or dampen transmission of political attitudes from parent to child. Using both existing data and an original dataset based on a survey of parents and adolescents from one large Midwestern city and one large Southern city, I demonstrate that the media environment in a household influences the successful transmission of parental attitudes, with parents in households consuming news programming experiencing greater transmission success than those in households consuming mostly entertainment programming, and parents in households that consume partisan news programming experiencing greater success than parents in those other two types of household media environments. By focusing on time-varying contextual factors, this paper suggests that the socialization process, not just the attitudes passed on, is contingent upon the period in which it occurs. Thus, this paper has implications for the study of adolescent political development, political socialization, and political communication.

2017 - ARNOVA's 46th Annual Conference Words: 85 words || 
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4. Wu, Zhongsheng. and Zhao, Rong. "Civic Engagement of Chinese Middle Class: More Likely to Volunteer yet Less Likely to Vote?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ARNOVA's 46th Annual Conference, Amway Grand Plaza Hotel, Grand Rapids, Michigan, Nov 14, 2017 <Not Available>. 2018-10-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1284990_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Based on a national representative dataset from the 2012 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS), this paper examined the probability of China’s middle class to participate in local voting and in volunteering by using logit regressions. The results suggest that compared to non-middle classes, middle class in China are more likely to volunteer yet less likely to vote. This conclusion is consistent across different dimensions (education-based, income-based, subjective, or combined) of middle class measurements (except in the case of the effect of subjective measure on voting).

2017 - ASWAD 9th Annual Biennial Conference Words: 243 words || 
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5. Cakmak, Ezgi. "Sound like Turkish, Look like Turkish: Reading Surname Law through the Case of Afro-Turk community" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ASWAD 9th Annual Biennial Conference, Pablo de Olavide University, Seville, Spain, Nov 07, 2017 <Not Available>. 2018-10-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1279708_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In 1934, Grand National Assembly of Turkey passed a Surname Law which required each Turkish citizen to adopt a family name that had to be drawn from the Turkish language. Making the adoption of pure Turkish names obligatory was meant to contribute to a fantasy of a nation that is homogenous in language and culture. Yet, the impact of surname practices on African descent people of Turkey- AfroTurks-was not only limited to having Turkified names but most of the case carrying a color word "kara" (black) as a signifier of their blackness with their surnames. In this regard, this paper examines the impact of Surname Law on the Turkish citizens of African descent. It aims to lay out a discussion on the official motives behind racial and ethnic discourse of the new nation-state that wanted to codify it black citizens with a color word who were once the enslaved Africans of the Ottoman Empire. Relying upon the research in the registers of population in cities of Izmir and Mugla, where the Afro-Turk community are mostly concentrated, along with the analysis of the Surname Law, the paper argues that the examination of naming practices towards Afro-Turk community, will contribute to the discussion on the ethno-racial definition of Turkishness in early Turkish Republic. By taking the otherwise invisible community of Turkey to the center of analysis, the paper aims to offer a new angle to read the racial boundaries of Turkish citizenship.

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