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2006 - International Studies Association Words: 314 words || 
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1. McDoom, Omar. ""We Must Kill Them before They Kill Us": Testing the Strategic Use of Threat in Ethnic Mobilization: The Case of the Rwandan Genocide" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Town & Country Resort and Convention Center, San Diego, California, USA, Mar 22, 2006 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p100744_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Is ethnic mobilization simply a consequence of elite strategies to foment and exploit populist sentiment for private agenda? Or do ?followers? have their own individual agenda that instead drive or give birth to leaders who organize and agitate for their interests? Put succinctly where does the impetus for mobilization originate? The literature is divided here between mostly theory-driven work favoring top-down, that is elite-centric explanations that assume malleability and homogeneity of ?the masses?, and work that perhaps has less currency and instead examines the individual agency and heterogeneity of those at the bottom. This project, based on extensive fieldwork in Rwanda, steers a course through this debate by instead identifying some of the mechanisms that were at play in the years leading up to and during the genocide in 1994. As an instance of ethnic mobilization the genocide is remarkable for its scale ? nation-wide - and its speed ? one hundred days in which the bulk of the estimated 800,000 deaths occurred. Through a research design that compared two regions of Rwanda, I show that mobilization followed different trajectories in these two regions but that there were common mechanisms underlying both processes. In this paper I examine one mechanism - the strategic use of framed messages to construct a security dilemma. I look at the nature of the threat as it was understood by both ordinary farmers and the ethnic and political entrepreneurs who led them as well as the extent to which it was or was not internalized by them all. I also probe the collective memory against which these messages resonated to define the threat in historical, ethnic, and adversarial terms. Finally I construct socio-demographic profiles of both the ?mobilized? and the ?mobilizers? to show that there was considerable diversity within both groups and that one cannot generalize that the genocide was the result of self-interested elites cynically manipulating unquestioning peasants.

2006 - The Midwest Political Science Association Words: 36 words || 
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2. Fortner, Michael. "Must Difference Divide? The Institutional Roots of Racial Politics in New York and London" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Midwest Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois, <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p136920_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper asks: Must racial hierarchy beget racial politics? Using data on non-white associations, it compares the development of non-white civil society in London and New York in order to identify the roots of racial-oriented activism.

2006 - Association for the Study of African American Life and History Words: 238 words || 
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3. Knauer, Christine. "“If Negroes Must Fight Let Them Fight As Free Men Not Jim Crow Slaves!”" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for the Study of African American Life and History, NA, Atlanta, GA, Sep 26, 2006 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p142074_index.html>
Publication Type: Individual Paper
Abstract: The paper wants to shed light on the two organizations, The Committee against Jim Crow in Military Service and Training and the The League for Non-Violent Civil Disobedience,
and their activism that have not garnered much attention in historical research.
On July 26, 1948, President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 9981 that was intended to establish “equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the Armed Services without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin” and eventually led to the integration of the American armed forces foremost during the Korean War.
The aforementioned organizations played an essential role in achieving the issuing of Truman’s order. In late 1947 and in mid-1948 respectively, A. Philip Randolph, the President of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, and Grant Reynolds, an army chaplain during World War II and New York State Commissioner of Correction, founded the two civil rights groups to fight for the integration of the armed services.
Among other questions, it wants to consider ho and why these two organizations fought for their aims, how they overlapped and complemented each other, in what relation they stood e.g. to the NAACP. Whereas Truman’s executive order provoked Randolph’s and Reynolds’ abandonment of the League, which was continued by Bayard Rustin under a new name, the two continued their activities within Committee. The paper also wants to look at the impending conflicts and developments between their members following the executive order.

2007 - The American Studies Association Words: 383 words || 
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4. Jou, Chin. ""Your Stomach Must Be Disciplined": Lulu Hunt Peters and the Beginnings of Calorie-Counting in Corporeal Self-Regulation, 1918-1924" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The American Studies Association, Philadelphia Marriott Downtown, Philadelphia, PA, Oct 11, 2007 <Not Available>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p185594_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Some historians have noted that the modern, mainstream aversion to fat had become increasingly salient by the 1880s. The beginnings of America’s obsession with combating corpulence--whether for health or aesthetic purposes--certainly owed in part to the machinations of advertisers, the fashion industry, life insurance companies, pharmaceutical interests, and food manufacturers. But an account of how Americans went from aspiring to leanness rather than corpulence is incomplete without an examination into the function of nutrition advocates—physicians, chemists, and un-credentialed, but self-styled experts--in the creation of norms about food consumption and body size.

This paper traces the development and popularization of the calorie from the advent of technological innovations that measured the calorie value of foodstuffs and people’s caloric needs to the ways in which knowledge about the nexus between calories, fat, and weight gain percolated from scientific and medical authorities to the general public. I argue that the calorie facilitated a new way of disciplining the body and became the center of a corporeal regulation in which characterizations of the calorie as a fail-proof product of modern science reinforced the notion that one’s body size was determined by individual behavior rather than ascribable to other considerations beyond one’s control. Moreover, the calorie, a hitherto invisible dimension of food, resulted in a reconstitution of food as calories and body fat and contributed to dieters’ changing perceptions of their entitlement to food, especially to calorie-dense aliments.

Lulu Hunt Peters (1873-1930), a syndicated medical advice newspaper columnist and the author of the nation’s first best-selling diet book, Diet and Health, with Key to the Calories (1918), was indispensable to the dissemination of popular knowledge about the calorie. To Peters and her devotees, a knowledge of calories combined with the practice of calorie-counting seemed to offer the most precise, effective means of vanquishing corporeal bulge in a putatively modern and scientific early-twentieth century America. Dieters who previously felt powerless to change their bodies because they were uncertain of the relationship between food consumption and body size were imbued with a newfound sense of control over their corporeal selves. But recording every calorie consumed also meant that if calorie-counters failed to achieve desired weight loss, they could only fault themselves for lacking the willpower to abide by their calorie restriction programs.

2008 - APSA 2008 Annual Meeting Pages: 52 pages || Words: 16062 words || 
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5. Vittori, Jodi. "All Crusades Must End: A Study in Terrorist Group Longevity" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA 2008 Annual Meeting, Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2008 Online <PDF>. 2020-02-22 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p279088_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The conventional wisdom regarding how long any terrorist group can expect to survive was proposed by David Rapoport in 1992 when he asserted that perhaps as many as 90 per cent of terrorist organizations last less than a year, while nearly half of those which survive the first year are out of existence by the tenth. However, in a statistical study of 100 cases of terrorist organizations’ lifespans measured from their first attack to their most recent one, terrorist groups survived, on average, four years. This study hypothesizes that it is the diversity and amount of resoucing, including financing, available to the terrorist organization which provides it the best opportunity to survive the inevitable challenges it will face, and thus exhibit the longest lifespan. It measures the longevity of terrorist organizations based on two factors. First is the autonomy of terrorist groups to conduct their operations without interference from other sponsors, whether those sponsors are states, private donors, or other terrorist organizations. Second, it assesses the capability level of terrorist groups to conduct violence. Quantitative measures for levels of autonomy and capability are created for these purposes. As this study demonstrates, those groups with moderate to high levels of autonomy in their operations and moderate to high capabilities for conducting violence can be expected to demonstrate the longest lifespan.

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