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2012 - The 63rd Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt Words: 130 words || 
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1. Lazaridis, Nikolaos. ""Cyclops, you asked my name. My name is Nobody." Naming characters in Egyptian literature" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The 63rd Annual Meeting of the American Research Center in Egypt, Renaissance Providence Hotel, Providence, RI, Apr 27, 2012 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p555059_index.html>
Publication Type: Abstract Proposal
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The authors of ancient Egyptian literary works employed a number of narrative techniques in an attempt to tell their stories in a meaningful and efficient way, to emphasize the stories’ main messages, and to entertain their audiences. One of these techniques was the reference to historically known or fictional people as the stories’ literary characters, some of which were named (such as Sinuhe, Setna, or Apophis), while others were left anonymous (such as the shipwrecked sailor or the doomed prince). In this paper I will examine such instances of eponymous and anonymous characters in the corpus of Egyptian literary narratives, which extends from the early Middle Kingdom to the Roman era, and will interpret them as literary and cultural choices that influenced significantly the telling and meaning of these stories.

2007 - Southern Political Science Association Pages: 28 pages || Words: 8161 words || 
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2. Day, Janet. "What’s in a Name? The Sociological and Political Significance of Names and Naming in the Works of Emma Goldman and Charlotte Perkins Gilman" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel InterContinental, New Orleans, LA, Jan 03, 2007 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p143032_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In her social and political commentary, Emma Goldman’s pattern of name usage reveals the social significance that she places on the symbolism of names. A name can represent a personal or a social identity, signify a familial or a social relationship and confer social and professional status. Names and their usage reflect societal norms and institutions. Goldman’s pattern of usage of names is another tool of her critique. In her feminist utopia, Herland, Charlotte Perkins Gilman uses the act of naming as a social instrument to signify both social identity and community (given-name), individuality (descriptive-name) and progressivism (unique compound-names). In their use of names and naming, Goldman and Gilman critique patriarchy, the nuclear family and the nature of identity as they seek to create a more humane and just society for all.

2009 - International Communication Association Pages: 43 pages || Words: 9148 words || 
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3. Dechief, Diane. "Names as Keywords: Theorizing Immigration-Influenced Name Changes in Canada" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Marriott, Chicago, IL, May 21, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p300256_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Canadian immigration and settlement practices have been altering individuals’ names since the mid-1800s. From the common explanations of immigration officials engaging in novel orthography as they completed forms, to families altering their names to make them easier for their neighbours to pronounce, a range of dominant cultural influences were at work. Today, these forces continue; they are evident in such techno-bureaucratic minutiae as maximum character lengths for permanent residents’ names, and in the decade-long policy encouraging people with the religiously-significant Sikh names ‘Kaur’ and ‘Singh’ to remove these names before applying to immigrate (CBC, July 2007). They are also heard in day-to-day introductions as some newcomers choose to use common English or French names to present themselves, and to potentially make themselves more employable (Ng et al., 2007).

With these and other scenarios in mind I ask, in what ways and through what means do minority culture members and migrants to Canada change their names? What roles do legislation, policy and state regulated data collection procedures have in these shifts? How are names altered through less official interactions? What implications do these name changes have for Canada as a nation-state? What are the outcomes in terms of nationalism or cultural pluralism?

2006 - XVth Biennial International Conference on Infant Studies Words: 392 words || 
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4. Horst, Jessica. and Samuelson, Larissa. "Turning Novel Names Into Known Names: Understanding the Processes of Fast Mapping and Word Learning" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the XVth Biennial International Conference on Infant Studies, Westin Miyako, Kyoto, Japan, Jun 19, 2006 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p94116_index.html>
Publication Type: Individual Poster
Abstract: Background and Aims: A young child presented with two familiar objects and one novel object, can correctly pick the novel object when presented with a novel name (i.e. “get the blicket;” Carey, 1978; Carey & Bartlett, 1978). This “fast mapping” ability is often cited as evidence of children’s word learning proficiency. Our previous work, however, indicates that fast mapping and word learning represent distinct time scales of language acquisition. Twenty-four-month-old children were able to fast map as many as eight new words in a single session, but did not retain these words over a five minute delay (Horst & Samuelson, April, 2005). A connectionist model of this result suggested that fast mapping emerges in the moment, while word learning emerges over a longer time scale (Horst, McMurray & Samuelson, June 2005). The present research builds on these findings to further explore the processes that govern how an initial name-object mapping becomes a known name. We ask: what does it take for children to retain names taught in fast mapping tasks?

Methods and Key Results: Toddlers were randomly assigned to two conditions. On each fast mapping trial, children saw two familiar objects and one novel object, and were asked to either get a familiar object (e.g., car) or a novel object (e.g., blicket). Children in the Reinforced Condition (RC) received immediate feedback after their responses, while children in the Ostensive Naming Condition (OC) received immediate ostensive naming. Children in both conditions correctly fast mapped both the familiar (M(rc) = .78; M(oc) = .77) and the novel names (M(rc) = .70; M(oc) = .64). However, when tested for retention of these names five minutes later, only children in the Ostensive Naming Condition retained the novel mappings above chance levels, and only for the first four novel names presented (M = .67). Further analyses revealed that children in this condition also attended to the novel objects significantly more during the fast mapping trials than children in the reinforced condition (M(oc) = .98; M(rc) = .66).

Conclusions: These results suggest that the processes that enable children to find the referent of a novel name in the moment may be different from the processes that facilitate encoding of that name-object link in memory. As such, these results are an important first step towards a detailed, process-based account of how young children turn novel names into known names.

2009 - Southern Political Science Association Pages: 33 pages || Words: 9432 words || 
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5. Jones, Michael. "Thy Name is Grace/Thy Name is Shame: Christian Fundamentalism and the Oppression of Women" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel Intercontinental, New Orleans, LA, Jan 07, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p294758_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: An examination of the rhetoric, meeting minutes, convention resolutions, and sermons by Christian fundamentalists in America reveals a consistent, and at time visceral, concern with "proper" gender roles. The original manifestation of Christian fundamentalism around the turn of the twentieth century can be read as a strong response to changing roles for women at home, the movement of women into broader social circles, the emergence of flappers and "independent" women, and the growing success of the suffrage movement.

The second manifestation of Christian fundamentalism in America is best analyzed through a study of the Southern Baptist Convention. With the changing gender roles that accompanied feminism in the late nineteen sixties and early nineteen seventies, Southern Baptist women began to enroll in seminaries, pastor churches, and even obtain positions as tenured faculty in Southern Baptist seminaries. Within less than a decade, conservative leaders of the church planned and executed a bloodless but brutal coup. As the leadership moved the convention further and further into a new and politicized fundamentalism, the most consistently and relentlessly targeted were women and the churches and seminaries that supported them in positions of leadership in the church. To emphasize the centrality of this doctrine to a rightly ordered family and righteously ordered church, each year the Southern Baptists gather in Convention and adopt yet another resolution on women and the church and/or women in the home. In each we hear echoes of Paul in his letter to Timothy or to the church in Corinth. Woman is silent and submissive.

In this paper I will, by comparing the rhetoric of early and contemporary Christian fundamentalism in the U.S., expose the centrality of gender and control of women as a fundamental driving force behind the claims to religious truth. Ultimately, we find what is always present in resurgences of fundamentalist religious belief: a reassertion and defense of patriarchy.

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