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2012 - BISA-ISA JOINT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE "DIVERSITY IN THE DISCIPLINE: TENSION OR OPPORTUNITY IN RESPONDING TO GLOBAL" Words: unavailable || 
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1. Macdonald Blakeley, Sean. "North East Asia, Security, North Korea, Nuclear Crisis, Coercive Diplomacy, comparative analysis US policy to North Korea during the 1993-4 and 2002-4 Nuclear Crisis Why did coercive diplomacy succeed in convincing North Korea not to leave the Nuclear Pr" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the BISA-ISA JOINT INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE "DIVERSITY IN THE DISCIPLINE: TENSION OR OPPORTUNITY IN RESPONDING TO GLOBAL", Old Town district of Edinburgh, Edinburgh Scotland UK, Jun 20, 2012 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p599148_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript

2006 - International Studies Association Pages: 35 pages || Words: 9149 words || 
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2. Manger, Mark. "Elbowing Your Way In ? North-North Competition in North-South FTAs" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Town & Country Resort and Convention Center, San Diego, California, USA, Mar 22, 2006 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p99409_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: An increasing number of developing countries engage in negotiations with industrialized nations over preferential trade and investment rules beyond WTO commitments. The resulting agreements are often highly asymmetrical in nature and designed to constrain host countries. At the same time, developed countries compete over access to emerging markets. How do these factors interact? Can developing countries increase their freedom to chose their own economic policies, or does the need to attract foreign capital eliminate all room for maneuvre? This paper analyzes the cases of the negotiations of the EU-Chile and US-Chile FTAs. It underscores the role of multinational corporations trying to influence bargains out of competitive concerns vis-à-vis other firms from the North. The key finding is that rather than providing a ?level playing field,? preferential trade and investment rules often directly reflect these firms? interests, and leave little regulatory competence with host country governments.

2017 - Association for Asian Studies - Annual Conference Words: 250 words || 
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3. Berthelier, Benoit. "The North Korean Cultural Revolution: Popular Culture and Class Relations in North Korea (1945-1955)" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Asian Studies - Annual Conference, Sheraton Centre Toronto Hotel, Toronto, Canada, <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1193850_index.html>
Publication Type: Panel Paper
Abstract: This paper examines the development of a state-sponsored popular culture in North Korea during the early Cold War and explores its influence on the country’s social structure and collective identities. Upon liberation, the North Korean Worker’s party called for a “cultural revolution” that would raise class-consciousness among the masses in order to topple the old colonial order and provide the basis for a new socialist system. Writers and artists were mobilized to create the representations and narratives that would form the prototypical collective identities of workers and farmers. Using a new infrastructure and an extensive network of cultural workers, their productions were disseminated and consumed on a nationwide scale. This new popular culture articulated normative representations of class, body and gender to ensure the success of the ideological and economic policies set by the Party. On the one hand, this task gave the country’s intelligentsia unprecedented power over the country’s social reality and corresponding privilege. On the other, the increasing visibility of another type of popular culture, produced by people engaged in amateur circles, threatened to undermine the official artists’ monopoly. By studying novels, plays, magazines and visual media this paper analyzes the identities, tensions and power relations at play between the intellectuals, the Party and the “masses” in the early development of North Korea’s popular culture. It shows that while the intelligentsia was able to accumulate symbolic power after Liberation, the wave of purges that followed the Korean War considerably reduced its ability to distinguish itself from the “people”.

2006 - International Studies Association Words: 308 words || 
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4. Biziouras, Nikolaos. "Common Threats or Segmented Opportunities? North-North Divisions Over Intellectual Property Rights in the South" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Town & Country Resort and Convention Center, San Diego, California, USA, Mar 22, 2006 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p98347_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In the post-Cold War setting there has been a renewed emphasis upon the institutional context of development, especially in the South. Regardless of ideological preference and policy context, scholars and policy-makers alike, from both North and South, have argued extensively, repeatedly and effectively for the critical role that property rights play within the realm of institutions.Yet, few things have proven quite as divisive in this renewed North-South rapprochement than intellectual property rights. The South views them as a reconstituted form of a neo-colonial relationship: extractive, imposed through power, and dressed up in the guise of legitimacy and legality. The North insists upon them as one of the few forms of credible commitment, state capacity, and development-oriented policies that the South can demonstrate. However, these North-South distinctions are not as monolithic as they appear at first glance. There are significant North-North divisions regarding the intellectual property rights of products with significant public policy implications. The EU has pushed for the selective reduction of intellectual property rights of pharmaceutical products for widespread infectious diseases, which affect the South, while the US has resisted them. Conversely, the US has pushed for the establishment of intellectual property rights for bio-diversity and phyto-sanitary-based products, with the EU has mobilized against. Overall, there are significant transatlantic divisions over how and in what issue areas intellectual property should be established, institutionalized and enforced.This paper tests a variety of theoretical arguments in the following four issue areas: pharmaceutical, bio-diversity, phyto-sanitary and genetically-modified products. It does so within the context of South countries where the institutionalization and enforcement of intellectual property rights lead to public policy consequences with direct economic and political effects. It argues that the divisions among North countries are the result of the interaction between domestic level veto point institutional structures and the extent of the public goods nature of the product under analysis.

2011 - International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition" Words: 234 words || 
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5. Plouffe, Joel. "The High North in North American Politics: Obstacles to Navigating in New Waters" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association Annual Conference "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition", Le Centre Sheraton Montreal Hotel, MONTREAL, QUEBEC, CANADA, Mar 16, 2011 <Not Available>. 2020-02-25 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p500054_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: A challenging era of Arctic geopolitics has begun. With climate change and increasing human activity in the High North, the circumpolar word has emerged as an issue for decision makers of both Canada and the United States. This paper first defines the North American “gap” in the Arctic geopolitical setting and tries to explain how and why Ottawa and Washington have maintained an outdated and unfavorable approach to northern affairs that affect both their national interests today. Second, while recognizing that Canadian and American approaches to the Arctic have differed markedly from that of many of the countries of Europe, the essay considers what these North American states might learn from the experiences of the Barents and Baltic regions. In this regard, the paper looks at the features of these two established European regional frameworks and considers what Canada and the United States might emulate. Can Canada and the United States create some pragmatic bilateral or multilateral institutions that might help them to: 1) promote stronger relations in the region; 2) find the right “map” to strategically integrate their position in the broader circumpolar world; and 3) establish proper mechanisms that will guide their policy decisions in a changing era of Arctic geopolitics? Looking at the North today as an opportunity rather than and issue could help build bridges between North American decision makers as they address the pressing challenges of the High North.

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