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2012 - ISPP 35th Annual Scientific Meeting Words: 249 words || 
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1. Reichert, Frank. "Cognitive Politicization and Political Action: Pathways of Political Interest and Political Competence to Political Action" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 35th Annual Scientific Meeting, Mart Plaza, Chicago, IL, Jul 06, 2012 <Not Available>. 2020-01-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p562790_index.html>
Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Human behavior is only partly based on reflective thinking whereas many, especially cognitive less demanding activities may be initiated in a habitual way (e.g., Strack/Deutsch 2004). Since so called conventional political activities require more (not only cognitive) efforts (e.g., long-term obligation) than unconventional or electoral political participation which is mostly less binding and more event-related, it comes to mind that the latter are activated via an "affective" pathway while conventional action probably requires a reflective behavioral system. As political interest orders people's impulses (e.g., Herbart 1806) it should be a powerful predictor of unconventional and electoral political activity. For conventional participation, however, reflection and thus (subjective) political competence (i.e., internal political efficacy) might be necessary, possibly supplemented by political interest. This assumption is followed using an online panel sample of Turkish migrants in Germany, comparing it with a non-migrant sample. Therefore, multiple regression analyses are used and complemented by multivariate analyses employing more complex path models. For the migrant sample, results point to the overwhelming importance of political interest in the prediction of legal political activity. In regard to conventional political activity, both variables of cognitive politicization have only indirect effects that are mediated via readiness to participate in conventional political action. For non-migrants, however, readiness to participate has no predictive relevance. Adding to that, here subjective political competence seems to be of more predictive value than political interest. These (differing) patterns are confronted with each other, focusing on the importance of political action and societal integration of migrants.

2013 - ISPP 36th Annual Scientific Meeting Words: 234 words || 
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2. Reichert, Frank. "Cognitive Politicization and Political Action: How Political Interest and Political Competence affect Political Action" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 36th Annual Scientific Meeting, Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy, IDC–Herzliya, Herzliya, Israel, Jul 04, 2013 <Not Available>. 2020-01-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p646093_index.html>
Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Human behavior is only partly based on reflective thinking whereas many activities might be initiated habitually. Since “conventional” political activities require more efforts than unconventional or electoral political participation, the latter might be activated via an “affective” pathway represented by political interest (Hypothesis I). In contrast, conventional action probably requires a reflective behavioral system. Subjective political competence (i.e., internal political efficacy) is thus hypothesized to be a necessary precondition to initiate conventional participation (Hypothesis II), possibly supplemented by political interest. Both assumptions are followed using an online panel sample of Turkish migrants in Germany, comparing it with non-migrants. Therefore, multiple regression analyses are used and complemented with complex path models and qualitative interviews. Regarding the Turkish migrants, first results support Hypothesis I and indicate the importance of political interest in predicting legal political activity (voting, conventional, and unconventional action). With regard to conventional action, preliminary analyses show partial evidence for Hypothesis II: both variables of cognitive politicization have indirect effects being mediated via readiness to participate in conventional political action. In contrast, for non-migrants subjective political competence seems to be of more predictive value than political interest. Yet there is limited evidence with regard to both hypotheses in the comparison sample. These differing patterns are going to be examined in more detail using a large sample from the German Longitudinal Election Study to discussing the importance of political action and societal integration of migrants.

2005 - International Studies Association Words: 240 words || 
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3. Jones, Kathleen. "The Political Interests of Gender: Reconstructing Feminist Theories of Politics and Political Capacity" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Hilton Hawaiian Village, Honolulu, Hawaii, Mar 05, 2005 <Not Available>. 2020-01-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p70073_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Certain trends in feminist theory have made it increasingly difficult to respond to questions about the interests of gender in politically adequate ways. Despite assertions to the contrary, the dominance of post-structuralist paradigms in contemporary feminist theory has constrained feminists' ability to develop robust theories of politics, stalemated feminist efforts to intervene responsibly in the face of current political challenges, and stymied critical feminist engagement in contemporary debates, both inside the academy and in the wider world in which the academy exists. In this essay, we defend the necessity to continue to engage in generalization and theory-building, and reject the claim that every analytical category is necessarily essentialist. We call for a reconceptualization of politics, which links systemic analysis of institutions to critical attention to narrative practices. In other words, we invite further theoretical and empirical work elaborating, in detail, the particular structures and dynamics creating and sustaining any network of power/discourse within which processes of linguistic resignification and political representation always occur. We argue that reconnecting linguistic accounts of discursive power to systemic accounts of institutional power can produce rich political analyses of the concrete conditions and capacities both to sustain and change a given gender system and should include analysis of the spatial (institutional structures and places) and temporal (historical), as well as discursive (ideological, linguistic) conditions and capacities through which individuals and groups enact deeds (actions) that both reproduce and subvert a social order.

2003 - American Political Science Association Pages: 37 pages || Words: 16124 words || 
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4. DeLeon, Richard. and Naff, Katherine. "Identity Politics and Local Political Culture: The Politics of Gender, Race, Class and Religion in Comparative Perspective" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 27, 2003 <Not Available>. 2020-01-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p62150_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper reports the results of an analysis of identity politics and political culture based on a comparative study of thirty community sample survey datasets obtained from the Roper Social Capital Benchmark Survey. Although our inquiry was primarily driven by a substantive interest in learning about identity politics in various local settings, an important secondary purpose was to explore the potential of the Roper survey as a resource for comparative urban research. Our binary logit analysis of the national sample survey data showed that each identity variable we studied – gender, race, class and religion – had a statistically significant relationship with one or more of our dependent variables (political participation, ideology, and opinion about immigrants). In our independent replications of that same analysis on data for the community samples, however, the findings in many cases deviated markedly from our results for the national sample. We concluded that “place matters” and should be taken into account in generalizing from national surveys to local communities. To investigate why place matters, we constructed a New Political Culture (NPC) index based on such community characteristics as the extent of social diversity, nontraditional families and gender roles, and acceptance of gays and lesbians. Our predictions that the NPC index scores would be positively correlated with a community’s levels of liberalism, electoral and political protest activity and pro-immigrant opinion, and negatively correlated with conservatism, were strongly confirmed. We also found that variations in local political culture helped to explain some but not all of the observed differences in the patterns of relationships between identity variables and political outcomes. Despite the limitations of the Roper community samples and of our methods and measures, we think our study contributes some interesting and intriguing findings about the relationships between local culture, group identities, and political outcomes in U.S. urban communities. We also believe our study demonstrates the potential of the Social Capital Benchmark Survey as a rich resource for comparative urban research.

2003 - American Political Science Association Pages: 22 pages || Words: 5559 words || 
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5. Janssen, Marc. "The Political Incorporation of Gay Rights: Political Change and Party Politics" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 27, 2003 <Not Available>. 2020-01-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p63442_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This project aims at casting a new light on the evolution of political patterns of support for gay rights, by carefully analyzing the most recent data and integrating these results within a larger theoretical framework about political change and the American party system. Most of the literature on public opinion and gay issues has traditionally focused on the general attitude of the American public towards lesbians and gay men themselves, for most surveys in the nineties have suggested that homophobia and negative affect towards gays, is the likely source, and the strongest predictor, of an individual’s policy position on AIDS funding, gay marriage and adoption, and even antidiscrimination laws.
My first aim was to reassess the relative impact of this variable in recent opinion surveys. The most interesting result is the recent emergence of personal ideology as the strongest predictive factor (through direct as well as mediated effect), rather than affect towards lesbians and gay men (as was the case in all surveys from the eighties and nineties). The issue of gay rights, in other words, is increasingly integrated within an individual’s structured ideology, regardless of their personal experience with lesbian and gay individuals. Knee-jerk emotional reaction are likely to become less frequent, for, as the visibility of gay issues increases, people are forced to consider them, analyze them, and reconcile them (one way or the other) with their existing ideological beliefs.This evolution closely resembles what some scholars have conceptualized as an integration into the classical binomial liberal/conservative cleavage of an issue that was essentially private in character or that lacked visibility and salience.
This paper displays evidence for two propositions: first, much similarly to what happened in the case of abortion, the gap of opinions on gay rights between Republicans and Democrats has increased over time, as more and more loyal Democrats are “converted” to or “strengthened” in their tolerance for lesbians and gay men. Second, that this conversion is most striking, and most politically significant, in those Democrats who are not expected to display such tolerance, that is, whose socio-demographics would make them least likely to support gay rights. Whereas “homophobic” independents and Republicans have stayed relatively unfazed throughout the last decade, “homophobic” Democrats are today four times more likely than twelve years ago to support legislation that would end discrimination towards lesbians and gay men.

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