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2012 - ISPP 35th Annual Scientific Meeting Words: 249 words || 
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1. Reichert, Frank. "Cognitive Politicization and Political Action: Pathways of Political Interest and Political Competence to Political Action" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 35th Annual Scientific Meeting, Mart Plaza, Chicago, IL, Jul 06, 2012 <Not Available>. 2018-07-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p562790_index.html>
Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Human behavior is only partly based on reflective thinking whereas many, especially cognitive less demanding activities may be initiated in a habitual way (e.g., Strack/Deutsch 2004). Since so called conventional political activities require more (not only cognitive) efforts (e.g., long-term obligation) than unconventional or electoral political participation which is mostly less binding and more event-related, it comes to mind that the latter are activated via an "affective" pathway while conventional action probably requires a reflective behavioral system. As political interest orders people's impulses (e.g., Herbart 1806) it should be a powerful predictor of unconventional and electoral political activity. For conventional participation, however, reflection and thus (subjective) political competence (i.e., internal political efficacy) might be necessary, possibly supplemented by political interest. This assumption is followed using an online panel sample of Turkish migrants in Germany, comparing it with a non-migrant sample. Therefore, multiple regression analyses are used and complemented by multivariate analyses employing more complex path models. For the migrant sample, results point to the overwhelming importance of political interest in the prediction of legal political activity. In regard to conventional political activity, both variables of cognitive politicization have only indirect effects that are mediated via readiness to participate in conventional political action. For non-migrants, however, readiness to participate has no predictive relevance. Adding to that, here subjective political competence seems to be of more predictive value than political interest. These (differing) patterns are confronted with each other, focusing on the importance of political action and societal integration of migrants.

2013 - ISPP 36th Annual Scientific Meeting Words: 234 words || 
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2. Reichert, Frank. "Cognitive Politicization and Political Action: How Political Interest and Political Competence affect Political Action" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISPP 36th Annual Scientific Meeting, Lauder School of Government, Diplomacy and Strategy, IDC–Herzliya, Herzliya, Israel, Jul 04, 2013 <Not Available>. 2018-07-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p646093_index.html>
Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Human behavior is only partly based on reflective thinking whereas many activities might be initiated habitually. Since “conventional” political activities require more efforts than unconventional or electoral political participation, the latter might be activated via an “affective” pathway represented by political interest (Hypothesis I). In contrast, conventional action probably requires a reflective behavioral system. Subjective political competence (i.e., internal political efficacy) is thus hypothesized to be a necessary precondition to initiate conventional participation (Hypothesis II), possibly supplemented by political interest. Both assumptions are followed using an online panel sample of Turkish migrants in Germany, comparing it with non-migrants. Therefore, multiple regression analyses are used and complemented with complex path models and qualitative interviews. Regarding the Turkish migrants, first results support Hypothesis I and indicate the importance of political interest in predicting legal political activity (voting, conventional, and unconventional action). With regard to conventional action, preliminary analyses show partial evidence for Hypothesis II: both variables of cognitive politicization have indirect effects being mediated via readiness to participate in conventional political action. In contrast, for non-migrants subjective political competence seems to be of more predictive value than political interest. Yet there is limited evidence with regard to both hypotheses in the comparison sample. These differing patterns are going to be examined in more detail using a large sample from the German Longitudinal Election Study to discussing the importance of political action and societal integration of migrants.

2012 - International Communication Association Pages: unavailable || Words: 11152 words || 
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3. Boukes, Mark. and Boomgaarden, Hajo. "Soft News and Political Cynicism: How Exposure to Political Information Genres Affects Public Cynicism About Politics" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Sheraton Phoenix Downtown, Phoenix, AZ, May 24, 2012 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2018-07-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p550187_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The media are often blamed for electorates’ low levels of political knowledge and involvement, due to the tendency to cover political news in an increasingly entertaining manner. This study investigated whether and how watching particular news genres (soft or hard) relate to political cynicism. Using a novel and sophisticated measure for media exposure, analyses of three recent surveys found a strong relationship between watching certain news programs and political cynicism. People who watched serious news more often were less cynical about politics than people who watched popular kinds of news more often. This relation seems not to be conditional on differences of education levels, political awareness or newspaper readership. In short, this paper confirms what was already expected by many. Controlling for many potential confounding variables, there still exists a strong relation between the television programs people watch and their level of political cynicism.

2003 - American Political Science Association Pages: 37 pages || Words: 16124 words || 
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4. DeLeon, Richard. and Naff, Katherine. "Identity Politics and Local Political Culture: The Politics of Gender, Race, Class and Religion in Comparative Perspective" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 27, 2003 <Not Available>. 2018-07-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p62150_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper reports the results of an analysis of identity politics and political culture based on a comparative study of thirty community sample survey datasets obtained from the Roper Social Capital Benchmark Survey. Although our inquiry was primarily driven by a substantive interest in learning about identity politics in various local settings, an important secondary purpose was to explore the potential of the Roper survey as a resource for comparative urban research. Our binary logit analysis of the national sample survey data showed that each identity variable we studied – gender, race, class and religion – had a statistically significant relationship with one or more of our dependent variables (political participation, ideology, and opinion about immigrants). In our independent replications of that same analysis on data for the community samples, however, the findings in many cases deviated markedly from our results for the national sample. We concluded that “place matters” and should be taken into account in generalizing from national surveys to local communities. To investigate why place matters, we constructed a New Political Culture (NPC) index based on such community characteristics as the extent of social diversity, nontraditional families and gender roles, and acceptance of gays and lesbians. Our predictions that the NPC index scores would be positively correlated with a community’s levels of liberalism, electoral and political protest activity and pro-immigrant opinion, and negatively correlated with conservatism, were strongly confirmed. We also found that variations in local political culture helped to explain some but not all of the observed differences in the patterns of relationships between identity variables and political outcomes. Despite the limitations of the Roper community samples and of our methods and measures, we think our study contributes some interesting and intriguing findings about the relationships between local culture, group identities, and political outcomes in U.S. urban communities. We also believe our study demonstrates the potential of the Social Capital Benchmark Survey as a rich resource for comparative urban research.

2003 - American Political Science Association Pages: 22 pages || Words: 5559 words || 
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5. Janssen, Marc. "The Political Incorporation of Gay Rights: Political Change and Party Politics" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Philadelphia Marriott Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 27, 2003 <Not Available>. 2018-07-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p63442_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This project aims at casting a new light on the evolution of political patterns of support for gay rights, by carefully analyzing the most recent data and integrating these results within a larger theoretical framework about political change and the American party system. Most of the literature on public opinion and gay issues has traditionally focused on the general attitude of the American public towards lesbians and gay men themselves, for most surveys in the nineties have suggested that homophobia and negative affect towards gays, is the likely source, and the strongest predictor, of an individual’s policy position on AIDS funding, gay marriage and adoption, and even antidiscrimination laws.
My first aim was to reassess the relative impact of this variable in recent opinion surveys. The most interesting result is the recent emergence of personal ideology as the strongest predictive factor (through direct as well as mediated effect), rather than affect towards lesbians and gay men (as was the case in all surveys from the eighties and nineties). The issue of gay rights, in other words, is increasingly integrated within an individual’s structured ideology, regardless of their personal experience with lesbian and gay individuals. Knee-jerk emotional reaction are likely to become less frequent, for, as the visibility of gay issues increases, people are forced to consider them, analyze them, and reconcile them (one way or the other) with their existing ideological beliefs.This evolution closely resembles what some scholars have conceptualized as an integration into the classical binomial liberal/conservative cleavage of an issue that was essentially private in character or that lacked visibility and salience.
This paper displays evidence for two propositions: first, much similarly to what happened in the case of abortion, the gap of opinions on gay rights between Republicans and Democrats has increased over time, as more and more loyal Democrats are “converted” to or “strengthened” in their tolerance for lesbians and gay men. Second, that this conversion is most striking, and most politically significant, in those Democrats who are not expected to display such tolerance, that is, whose socio-demographics would make them least likely to support gay rights. Whereas “homophobic” independents and Republicans have stayed relatively unfazed throughout the last decade, “homophobic” Democrats are today four times more likely than twelve years ago to support legislation that would end discrimination towards lesbians and gay men.

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