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2012 - Southern Political Science Association Pages: unavailable || Words: 6295 words || 
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1. Hammet, Davis. "Preference Instability and Vote Choice: Inconsistency in Party Identification and Issue Preference" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Southern Political Science Association, Hotel InterContinental, New Orleans, Louisiana, Jan 12, 2012 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p544837_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Issue preference and partisanship consistently show effects on voting behavior in individual-level models; however, the variation in these effects receives little attention. This paper examines how instability in a preference affects how the preference influences other outcomes. Panel data, over the course of one election year, is used in order to understand how individuals’ preference, and the variation thereof, affects vote choice.

2014 - Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology Words: 249 words || 
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2. Boonen, Joris. "The intergenerational transmission of issue preferences: the formation of preferences towards political issues among adolescents" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Annual Scientific Meeting of the International Society of Political Psychology, Ergife Palace Hotel, Rome, Italy, Jul 04, 2014 <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p730395_index.html>
Publication Type: Paper (prepared oral presentation)
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Classical studies and more recent research have demonstrated that parents exert a very strong influence on young citizens’ political preferences (Hooghe & Boonen, forthcoming; Jennings et al., 2009). These studies mainly focused on explaining a top-down process, disentangling the importance of different moderators (homogeneity, stability, family politicization) on parent-child correspondence in party identification and political attitudes. What has not yet been explored, is to what extent this socialization process relates to other determinants of young citizens’ vote choices, such as issue preferences (Ryan, 2011). As electoral research has mainly focused on individual voting determinants, without taking the social network into consideration, so has socialization research mostly focused on the transmission process, without taking the individual determinants into account. In this paper, we combine both approaches and investigate the role of young citizens’ social network in the formation of issue preferences.
We use data from a recently administered two wave panel study, conducted among more than 3000 adolescents and their parents in Belgium, the Parent-Child Socialization Study. The young citizens and their parents were surveyed individually in two waves on a number of political issues and political attitudes. Using structural equation modeling, we analyze the way in which issue preferences are transmitted within the family. Following the logic from earlier political socialization studies, we expect that strong issues will be transmitted more easily, correspondence on issue preferences among both parents will lead to a stronger transmission and that stable preferences (tested with the panel data) will be transmitted more frequently.

2009 - International Communication Association Pages: 26 pages || Words: 7603 words || 
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3. Rittenberg, Jason., Tewksbury, David. and Casey, Shanna. "Media Preferences and Democracy: Refining the 'Relative Entertainment Preference' Hypothesis" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Marriott, Chicago, IL, May 20, 2009 Online <PDF>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p300492_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: This paper extends the work of Markus Prior connecting media choice and relative preferences for entertainment to voter turnout. Prior's analyses found that individuals who both preferred entertaining content to news and had either cable or Internet access were less likely to vote than were other citizens. As an update to his work, this paper uses more recent Pew surveys to test alternative measures of entertainment preferences and to update the Internet access findings for the broadband age. As a theoretical extension, this paper looks at turnout differences among those with finer content preferences. Specifically, people who prefer hard news are compared to those choosing entertaining news (e.g., entertainment, sports, and arts). The results indicate that there is value in considering Relative Entertaining News Preference in addition to—or even instead of—relative entertainment preferences alone.

2008 - International Communication Association Words: 151 words || 
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4. Yang, Grace. and Huesmann, Rowell. "The Relation between Children’s Preferences for Passive and Interactive Violent Media and their Parents’ Media Preferences" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, TBA, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p232856_index.html>
Publication Type: Session Paper
Abstract: This study addresses the question of “why individuals are attracted to media violence” by examining relations between media violence use across generations and across modalities, i.e., passive and active media (e.g., television vs. video games) Using structural equation modeling and data from a study of 335 families, we examine relations between two generation’s preferences for violent passive and violent interactive media. Violent television viewing by the first generation positively predicts violent television viewing by both genders in the second generation, but does not predict violent video game playing in either gender. Although males in the second generation prefer more violent television shows and video games than females, liking for violent television viewing is positively correlated with liking for violent video games in both genders. These results suggest that there are characteristic individual differences in preferences for violent media that are transmitted across generations but that depend on availability of media.

2013 - SASE Annual Conference Pages: unavailable || Words: 11367 words || 
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5. Berens, Sarah. "Weak States, Strong Preferences?: A Multilevel Analysis of Social Policy Preferences" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the SASE Annual Conference, University of Milan, Milan, Italy, Jun 27, 2013 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p654324_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Research on social policy preferences has come a long way in the last decade, providing insightful theories and evidence on the determining factors of welfare and redistributive preferences. However, studies that take into account particularities of low- and middle-income democracies are hard to find. Which factors drive welfare preferences when the stable background of high-income states dissolves? Neither well-functioning institutions nor a well-organized economy can be taken for granted when studying social policy preferences in the global South. On the contrary, in many low- and middle-income economies fiscal capacity is low and the performance of institutions weak, so that that provision of public welfare goods is uncertain. A rather fragile democratic system might affect citizens’ demand for publicly provided welfare by putting reliable redistribution of benefits at risk. A further, often neglected, aspect is the structure of the labor market of low- and middle-income democracies, which is marked by a considerable informal sector. The shadow economy has not played any prominent role in social policy preference research so far. The welfare state is based on the country's fiscal performance and the number of contributors. Informal-sector employees are by definition exempt from contributions. However, they are able to free-ride on welfare programs that are public goods, such as education, welfare aid, or housing subsidies. In countries where the shadow economy amounts to more than 40 per cent of GDP, such as Georgia, Guatemala, or Peru, it is questionable that public policy preferences remain unaffected by the domestic structure of the labor market, in which a large group is able to benefit without contributing. The paper argues that a weak state in terms of a dysfunctional fiscal system, a large informal sector and a low quality of institutional performance discourages expectations of the public welfare system. This is particularly the case for low- and middle income democracies in comparison with advanced industrial states.
Applying a hierarchical model on public opinion data for both developing and developed countries, the article shows that the level of state capacity and the quality of institutions increase individual welfare demand in low- and middle-income countries. The results reveal the need for explicit analysis of the characteristics of developing countries in order to understand social policy preferences in less affluent democracies. In contrast to initial expectations, institutional performance is however as important for developing as for developed democracies.

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