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2004 - International Studies Association Words: 516 words || 
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1. Liu, Xinmin. "Presidentialism and Party Aggregation: A Cross-national Examination of Presidential Elections and Presidential Legisaltive Powers on the Number of Parties" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Mar 17, 2004 <Not Available>. 2019-08-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p73985_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: With the resurgence of democratization in Latin America, Eastern Europe, and elsewhere since late 1970s, how to craft institutions to sustain democracy has been a primary concern for politicians and scholars (Di Palma 1990; Diamond 1997; Diamond and Gunther 2001; Lijphart and Waisman 1996; Mainwaring and Scully 1995). One of the keen topics is about regime type (parliamentary vs. presidential systems) and democratic continuity. While much of the scholarship blames presidentialism for policy-making gridlocks in the separation-of-power systems, which usually lead to political crises and instabilities in transforming societies (Burns 1963; Cox and Kernell 1991; Edwards et. al 1997; Shugart 1995; Sundquist 1986, 1992; Valenzuela and Linz 1994), some scholars link presidentialism with fragmented party systems, a main cause of democratic breakdowns (Mainwaring 1992-1993). That is, presidentialism's conduciveness to fragmented party systems makes the separation-of-power system more vulnerable than parliamentary systems to political crises in case of policy-making deadlocks. Much of the empirical scholarship of presidentialism and party systems, however, has concentrated on the impact of presidential elections on the number of parties. Basically, presidentialism is thought to help aggregate political parties because of the coattail effects of nationwide presidential campaigns and elections on legislative elections (Miller 1955; Press 1958). More recently, proximity (concurrence) between presidential and legislative elections is found to enhance the coattail effect of presidential elections and thus promote big parties (Cox 1997; Neto and Cox 1997; Mainwaring 1990, 1991, and 1992-1993; Shugart and Carey 1992). Also, plurality presidential election formulas are found to better serve the big parties than majority run-off rules (Jones 1994; Mainwaring and Shugart 1997). However, little empirical analysis has examined the relationship between presidential legislative powers and party systems although evidence has identified the political problems in the legislative processes in the separation-of-power systems. Moreover, case selection in conventional empirical studies is basically limited to advanced democracies and some Latin American countries. This paper thus tries to empirically analyze the relationship between presidentialism and party aggregation more systematically and with a focus on presidential power and party aggregation. First, including all democracies, the systems that have a positive Polity score (Gurr and Jagger 1998; Marshall 2002), in this analysis, this paper will re-evaluate the impact of regime type on the number of parties. Second, including all the presidential systems in both old and emerging democracies, this paper will re-test the relationship between presidential elections and the number of parties. Third and most important, this paper will empirically examine the consequences of presidential legislative powers for party systems, not only analyzing the relationship between levels of presidential legislative power and party aggregation but also providing an in-depth inspection of the impact of specific presidential powers including veto, partial veto, exclusive legislation, budgetary power, decree power, and referenda power on party aggregation. It begins by reviewing theoretical and empirical literature on presidentialism and the number of political parties. Next, it discusses the dataset, research design, and operationalization of variables, including measurement of presidential legislative powers. Last, it presents and analyzes regression results.

2002 - American Political Science Association Pages: 18 pages || Words: 4001 words || 
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2. Kaplan, Noah. and Park, David. "Presidential Coattails: The Effects of Presidential Campaign Advertising on Presidential and Congressional Elections" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Boston Marriott Copley Place, Sheraton Boston & Hynes Convention Center, Boston, Massachusetts, Aug 28, 2002 <Not Available>. 2019-08-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p66189_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: We argue that both presidential elections and house elections are a function of presidential campaign television advertising. Whereas the former may appear obvious, we contend that a Zalleresque theory/model of opinion formation suggests that presidential campaign advertising can effect the number and content of considerations associated with the major party labels, considerations which voters then sample when assessing house candidates. Using a relatively new dataset regarding the number of presidential television advertisements aired by Designated Market Area (DMA) during the 1996 presidential campaign, we present an aggregate level analysis of the effects of presidential campaign television advertising on presidential and house vote share. We find that ads do not effect vote share as predicted once we control for state level effects. We discuss possible reasons for these null results and future avenues of research.

2006 - American Political Science Association Pages: 27 pages || Words: 11581 words || 
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3. Hicken, Allen. and Stoll, Heather. "Presidential Powers and Presidential Candidates: How Political Institutions Shape Electoral Coordination in Presidential Elections" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott, Loews Philadelphia, and the Pennsylvania Convention Center, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 31, 2006 <Not Available>. 2019-08-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p152688_index.html>
Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: In this paper, we explore which political institutions, besides the electoral formula, shape the presidential party system. We find that the relationship between horizontal centralization, operationalized as the powers of the president, and the presidential party system, operationalized as the effective number of presidential candidates, is significant but non-linear. Specifically, over a moderate range of presidential power, increasing presidential power is associated with fewer presidential candidates. Where presidents are extremely weak or extremely powerful, however, this relationship is reversed: in these circumstances, increasing presidential power actually produces a larger number of candidates. We further demonstrate that the substantive effect of horizontal centralization on the effective number of candidates is more than twice as large as the effect of the electoral formula—heretofore the most discussed determinant of the effective number of presidential candidates. Our findings with respect to vertical centralization are mixed.

2010 - NCA 96th Annual Convention Words: 141 words || 
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4. Schaefer Hinck, Shelly., Dailey, William. and Hinck, Edward. "Building a Bridge Between Message and Effect Analyses of Presidential Debates in the 2000, 2004, and 2008 Presidential Campaigns" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the NCA 96th Annual Convention, Hilton San Francisco, San Francisco, CA, <Not Available>. 2019-08-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p426322_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Generally, studies of political debates often examine either audience reactions to some dimension of candidate performance or some important aspect of debate texts in campaigns. Rarely do studies of campaign debates consider relationships between these areas of study. Two dimensions of presidential competence were explored in this study: advocacy skills expressed as arguments and politeness skills conveyed as face threats. Presidential and vice presidential debate transcripts from the 2000, 2004, and 2008 campaigns were coded and compared to surveys administered during debates in the respective campaigns measuring audience reactions to the candidates. The results of the analysis will assess the degree to which concepts of advocacy and politeness residing in the text of the debates reflects the ways audiences respond to the verbal behaviors residing in the candidates’ performances experienced by audience members as a communication event within the campaign.

2009 - International Communication Association Pages: 28 pages || Words: 8849 words || 
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5. Worsham, Anne Golden. "Presidential Elections in the Public Schools: A Frame Analysis of the Coverage of Presidential Campaign Seasons on Channel One TV" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Marriott, Chicago, IL, May 20, 2009 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2019-08-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p299460_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The Channel One TV network broadcasts the news to 30 percent of U.S. teenagers in the school system. During the 2004 elections Channel One was owned by Primedia, a corporation that formed alliances with Ralph Reed, Jack Abramoff and anti-tax think tanks. In 2007 the news program was acquired by Alloy Media and Marketing, which formed alliances with NBC, Bill Clinton and Participant Productions (a Hollywood-based social action group). This constructionist framing study investigates how political campaign issues and political actors were framed differently during the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections under these different conditions.

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