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2006 - The Midwest Political Science Association Pages: 35 pages || Words: 9150 words || 
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1. King, Stephen. "Teaching Public Management in the Public Interest: Using the New Public Service Model to Teach Undergraduates in Political Science and Public Administration" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the The Midwest Political Science Association, Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, Illinois, Apr 20, 2006 <Not Available>. 2018-10-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p140908_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Teaching public management to undergraduate students is challenging. This paper examines one such attempt: to explain public management to undergraduate political science students enrolled in an introductory public administration course. In recent decades, much has been written about managing the public sector more like a business and less like a government. Government management is generally termed wasteful and paper focuses less on how to teach public management in the public interest to undergraduates and more on what should be taught about public management in the public interest. In order to accomplish this goal the paper does three things: 1) it defines public management, 2) describes several competing theories of public management, 3) explains how the New Public Service is applied to various public management situations and realities, and 4) offers conclusions and implications for teaching and research in public management.

2013 - International Communication Association Pages: unavailable || Words: 8696 words || 
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2. Plowman, Kenneth. and Walton, Susan. "Playing to Publics: The Role of the Media and Public Relations in Negotiating Public Policy" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Communication Association, Hilton Metropole Hotel, London, England, Jun 17, 2013 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2018-10-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p640453_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In 2007 there was considerable public controversy over a public funding model for the eventual Real Salt Lake soccer stadium in Utah. Previous research found that public conversations take on a different character when discussants play directly to a media audience. In 2011 the researchers wanted to further examine how public policy practitioners dealt effectively with media scrutiny in the real world? And, how, if at all, the media can be leveraged as an effective communications tool in public policy negotiations?”

Ten public relations strategies that have been developed in two-way public relations and conflict resolution were evaluated with participation from government, the media, and public relations personnel representing RSL. Findings showed that the influence of the media lengthened the time of the controversy but it played a vital role in educating different publics on the issue. Public relations personnel were influential to help reach compromise on the issues until the public vote that approved the stadium.

2018 - Comparative and International Education Society Conference Words: 689 words || 
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3. Allais, Stephanie., Fongwa, Samuel., Manyonga, Bothwell., Ngcwangu, Siphelo., Ndaba, Mthobisi., Molebatsi, Palesa., Posholi, Lerato. and Selepe, Cecilia. "Public good or public bad? Contrasting views on higher education and the public good in South Africa" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Comparative and International Education Society Conference, Hilton Mexico City Reforma Hotel, Mexico City, Mexico, <Not Available>. 2018-10-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1353830_index.html>
Publication Type: Panel Paper
Abstract: This paper provides an overview of some key aspects of debates about higher education and the public good in South Africa today. It is derived firstly from an overview of literature in this area, secondly from an analysis of the public debate about fees and decolonization that have been taking place over the past two years, and thirdly, an analysis of key informant interviews.

In terms of analysis from the literature, a major issue which dominates research into higher education in South Africa is the long, oppressive, and divisive colonial and apartheid history, which has shaped all aspects of the country. Education policy was integral to apartheid, and higher education planning ensured that the education system was structured to maintain and reproduce the apartheid social order. Although apartheid formally ended 23 years ago, its patterns of racial composition, and patterns of advantage and disadvantage continue to condition the current capacities of higher education institutions to pursue excellence, to provide high quality learning and research experiences and equity of opportunity, and to contribute to economic and social development (Badat, 2007). Understanding the complexity of this legacy and the ways in which it is refracted through the higher education system today is therefore key to understanding debates about the role of universities in South Africa today. Understanding the role of higher education in South Africa today is also complicated by the ways in which democratic South Africa, like much of the rest of the world, continues to treat higher education as the panacea to its problems of inequality, unemployment and poverty. South Africa’s social and economic development have remained characterized by poor individual and national well-being and prosperity. Much popular discourse tends to blame education in one of two (contradictory) ways—either it is seen as a ‘supply-side’ problem in the economy, in that education is not aligned to the needs of industry and perpetuates slow economic growth, or, it is seen as an obstacle to social transformation because of inappropriate curricula, research priorities, and staffing and management structures and systems (Allais, 2014). These two ideas are in most ways in contradiction with each other. On the one hand, public goods are understood as the rewards of a better skilled workforce and the contribution of innovation to industrial development. On the other hand, higher education is seen as the potential vehicle for the promotion of democracy and citizenship, or for radical change in society. Recent debates around decolonization have raised the latter issue sharply.

The past two years have been characterized by intense national debates and extensive student protest around higher education funding. These debates offer insight into current perspectives on the role of higher education. The pervasive crisis of poverty, inequality, and unemployment makes higher education in South Africa a gateway into higher earnings through access to the professions. Family income and socio-economic status are major determinants of access to university as well as student success (van Broekhuizen, van den Berg, & Hofmeyr, 2016; van den Berg, 2015). In a school system characterised by underperformance, only a third of children from the poorest households qualify for university, and only half of these (predominantly Black) students graduate within 5 years. This perspective is used to argue that higher education predominantly serves the elite, to justify erosion of public subsidies. It is also used to support arguments in favour of increased money from the fiscus, to open up access as well as student support to a greater number of students.

The paper analyses data from interviews currently being conducted with key informants, including leaders of higher education, academic and non-academic staff unions from different types of universities, student leaders, employer groups, and civil society groups. (This phase has started earlier in South Africa than in the other countries in the study). The paper presents an analysis of the key emerging debates. The interviews illuminate some of the contours of the major contestations regarding higher education and the public good, and sharpen perceptions as to how the concept of higher education in an African context has some particular differences, but also some similarities to the concept underpinning the mainstream debate in this area.

2014 - American Sociological Association Annual Meeting Pages: unavailable || Words: 9170 words || 
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4. Li, Muyang. "Distorted Public Discourse and the Pseudo-Public in Chinese Public Sphere" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting, Hilton San Francisco Union Square and Parc 55 Wyndham San Francisco, San Francisco, CA, Aug 15, 2014 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2018-10-17 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p725468_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: China’s media has been long tightly controlled by the government. However, the information technology has offered Chinese an alternative to give their voice. Facing the growing opinion gathering on microblog, the authority decides to apply “Real Name Policy”, which forced users to give their real name in the name of “build a healthy online environment”, to microblog users. By analyzing the contents from Chinese microblog and news articles from official news outlet which consist with newspapers, official websites and other related websites, we find that the attitudes on Real Name Policy from the unofficial sources that dominated by the general public are significantly different from those from official sources: the former is much more negative.
Accepting that there are different discourses of public in the Chinese Context, based on the theory of formal and informal public sphere we argue that the officials are trying to construct a pseudo-public. It is a sphere connected officials and the public, in which the official hired online commentators, as well as authority-controlled traditional media, disguised as common people and pretend to distort public opinion. In this way, the government aims to legitimate the application of Real Name Policy. Using this as a focal point, this research is also trying to explore the contradiction and connection between formal and informal public sphere in the Chinese context, and examine the potential threat brought by 50-Cent Party to online deliberation.

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