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2006 - American Political Science Association Pages: 41 pages || Words: 12203 words || 
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1. Grose, Christian. "Valence Advantages and Ideological Shirking in the U.S. Senate: Why Do Senators Take Positions That Are Different From Their Constituents' Preferences?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott, Loews Philadelphia, and the Pennsylvania Convention Center, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 31, 2006 <Not Available>. 2018-12-13 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p151774_index.html>
Publication Type: Proceeding
Abstract: Do non-policy valence advantages that incumbent members of Congress possess affect spatial position-taking? Are legislators who deliver substantial amounts of federal largesse more likely to diverge from their constituency medians? Are legislators who are perceived as more competent than their opponents more likely to diverge from the preferences of their constituents? I argue and empirically demonstrate that valence advantages such as the distribution of “pork” projects and legislator competence allow incumbent legislators to deviate from the policy preferences of their constituents (in some instances). Formal valence theories of position-taking are examined in this paper, and I argue for an expansive definition of valence advantages that includes both valence policies and non-policy valence characteristics. I show that valence advantages sometimes cause legislators to converge to their constituents’ preferences and to sometimes diverge. I test the expectations of valence theories of congressional position-taking by examining an example of a valence issue (distributive policy) and a valence characteristic (an incumbent’s perceived competence relative to his or her challenger). These empirical tests are conducted with original data on senators’ divergence from their states’ median voters during the 104th-107th Congresses (1995-2002). One key contribution of this paper is the creation of ideal point estimates of legislators and constituency medians on a common scale using Bayesian MCMC ideal point estimation techniques (similar to the popular NOMINATE scores, though unlike NOMINATE, these scores include measures of constituents and senators). The findings are that valence theories of position-taking are demonstrated when examining incumbent divergence from the constituency median. In sum, senators with no valence advantage diverge from their constituents; senators with small valence advantages move closer to their constituents; and senators with large valence advantages are able to deviate far off of their constituents’ preferences. The implications of these results are that senators who deliver very large amounts of federal outlays to a state or senators perceived as very competent relative to their campaign challengers are able to vote closer to their own personal preferences than to their constituents’ preferences.

2009 - Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference Words: 174 words || 
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2. Choi, Jangsup. "The Incumbent Senator’s Ideological Vulnerability and Challenger Entry into Senate Elections" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association 67th Annual National Conference, The Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, <Not Available>. 2018-12-13 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p362992_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: The incumbent senator’s ideological vulnerability tends to cause the emergence of the quality challenger. The quality challenger is characterized as strategic: she is more likely to enter the contest when her prospects for winning the election are most favorable. _x000d__x000d_This study asserts that the probability that the quality challenger enters the Senate election is dependent on the ideological congruence of the incumbent senator. The most fundamental aspect to discern the incumbent’s vulnerability is how acutely she has advanced constituency’s interests in terms of ideological representation on roll call votes. The ideological deviation of the incumbent senator from the ideological preference of constituency produces a favorable condition that enhances the challenger’s prospects for winning the election, facilitating the emergence of the quality challenger. _x000d__x000d_Using Senate elections where the incumbent senator runs for reelection from 1962 to 2006, this study reveals the relationship between the ideological distance of the incumbent senator and her probability of facing the quality challenger, shedding light on the conditional nature illustrating the strategic emergence of the quality challenger in Senate elections.

2013 - SSSA Annual Meeting Words: 250 words || 
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3. Mugglestone, Konrad. and Nuñez, Gilbert. "“From the Senate Chamber to the Oval Office: The Changing Behavior of Presidential Hopefuls in the U.S. Senate”" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the SSSA Annual Meeting, New Orleans Marriott, New Orleans, Louisiana, Mar 27, 2013 <Not Available>. 2018-12-13 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p634499_index.html>
Publication Type: Panel Paper
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Many scholars have regarded the U.S. Senate as a “presidential incubator” (Peabody, Ornstein, Rohde), a major source of presidential aspirants every four years. Do these Senators set themselves apart from their colleagues and other partisan contemporaries in designing a presidential bid? Over fifty Senators have thrown their hat in the ring in the past ten presidential elections, yet only four Senators have successfully captured the nomination—and only one went so far as to win the presidency—since 1972. Expanding and updating the limited literature on the subjects of legislative behavior, progressive ambition, and media visibility, we propose that Senators who anticipate and plan a run for the presidency will alter their political and legislative behavior both inside and outside the Senate chamber, most likely before publicly announcing their intentions. This effect may be magnified by the growing polarization of the Senate and the American electorate in recent decades. Using quantitative analyses, we compare those who run in their respective party’s primaries and caucuses, those who enter the “invisible primary” but never compete in a primary or caucus, and those who do not run for the White House at all in that election. We then look for differences in these Senators’ voting behavior, bill sponsorship, floor speeches, amendments, committee assignments, party rolling, and earmark usage. Furthermore, we explore media coverage, domestic and foreign travel, and fundraising in order to provide a well-rounded picture of a Senator and his or her altered behavior once he or she decides to pursue the Oval Office.

2017 - 88th Annual SPSA Conference Words: 150 words || 
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4. Chaturvedi, Neilan., Benson, Evan., Davis, Thomas. and Smith, Gabriel. "When Committees Can Harm: Cross-Pressured Senators and Senate Committee Assignments" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 88th Annual SPSA Conference, Hyatt Regency, New Orleans, LA, Jan 11, 2017 <Not Available>. 2018-12-13 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1201939_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Can committee work harm electoral prospects? Commenting on the importance of committees, Woodrow Wilson said, “Congress in session is Congress on public exhibition, whilst Congress in its Committee Rooms is Congress at work.” Indeed, as important as committees are to the legislative process, committee assignments hold just as much importance for senators. Mayhew (1978) argues that legislators can use committee assignments to bolster their chances at completing their goals of reelection, power, and good public policy. Do these strategies ever backfire? For example, Democrat Mary Landrieu’s prospects for reelection were initially bolstered by her appointment as chair of the Energy Committee, but her lackluster performance on the committee eventually harmed her campaign. In this paper, we examine committee assignments and their impact on reelection. We find that for the most part, senators are beneficiaries of their committee assignments except for cross-pressured senators, who are often caught between party and constituency.

2016 - 87th SPSA Annual Conference Words: 250 words || 
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5. Gervais, Bryan. and Morris, Irwin. "The Tea Party in the Senate: Attachment, Support, and “Tea Partyness” among U.S. Senators" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the 87th SPSA Annual Conference, Caribe Hilton, San Juan, Puerto Rico, Jan 07, 2016 <Not Available>. 2018-12-13 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1051371_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: A burgeoning literature provides a detailed picture of the mass-level Tea Party movement, but the same cannot be said for the Tea Party in government. Surprisingly, the limited extant research suggests that the vitality of the mass movement has yet to fully translate into the legislative arena (see, Arceneaux and Nicholson 2011 and Bailey, et al. 2012).

We argue that the dearth of research on the Tea Party in government and the “minimal effects” results flow from a failure to properly conceptualize “Tea Partyness.” We claim there are two dimensions of “Tea Partyness” among legislators: an attachment dimension, in which members attempt to align themselves with the TP movement and a support dimension, in which members receive backing from outside groups and activists affiliated with the Tea Party movement. As politicians’ incentives to attach themselves to the TP movement are not necessarily the same as the incentives of TP organizations, levels of attachment and support may not be highly correlated. Our research on the House suggests that TP support and TP attachment largely (and counterintuitively) independent.
Expanding this analysis to an examination of Senators in the 112th and 113th congresses, we hypothesize that constituency variables (such as economic conditions) will drive senators’ attachment efforts, while TP group support is driven by institutional factors such as seniority and electoral competitiveness. In contrast to the “minimal effects” research, we present results that suggest senators who score highly on both attachment and support are quite distinctive from other Republicans.

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