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2007 - American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education Pages: 4 pages || Words: 2313 words || 
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1. Wiseman, Donna. and Knight, Stephanie. "Professional Development for Diversity: A Review of Literature Since NCLB" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, Hilton New York, New York, NY, Feb 22, 2007 Online <PDF>. 2019-06-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p142322_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: In an attempt to discover if there are tenants of NCLB that influence professional development for teachers of diversity or if NCLB influences the content or nature of professional development activities,a previous literature review has been updated to present the recent status and selected findings from a synthesis that focuses on the nature of professional development for diversity research since 2002.

2005 - American Political Science Association Pages: 36 pages || Words: 17164 words || 
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2. Fearon, James. "Civil War Since 1945: Some Facts and a Theory" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott Wardman Park, Omni Shoreham, Washington Hilton, Washington, DC, Sep 01, 2005 <Not Available>. 2019-06-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p40403_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The most common form of civil war in the post-World War II period has been a
stalemated guerrilla war confined to a rural periphery of a low-income, post-colonial
state. Standard contest models of conflict do not capture important and distinctive
features of insurgency, and in particular the fact that guerrilla survival depends on
their controlling information about who and where they are. I present a game model in
which rebel control of territory depends on how many remain uncaptured by government
forces. Capture becomes more likely as the rebel movement expands, due to network
connections among the rebels. The model explains how and why insurgencies can remain
stalemated at low levels of conflict. It also shows that standard explanations for
the strong cross-national association between poverty and civil war risk -- for
example, that poverty makes joining a rebel band a more attractive option or that risk
aversion makes the rich more fearful of conflict -- are incoherent or strongly
incomplete as typically stated. I argue that more plausible explanations for the
empirical regularity pose an indirect link, via the association of high income with
(a) natural and social terrains inimical to guerrilla hiding, (b) possibly state
military capability to conduct more efficient counterinsurgency, and (c) inability to
appropriate as large a share of income through house-to-house visits by guerrillas,
due in part to the mobility of human capital.

2006 - American Political Science Association Words: unavailable || 
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3. Akopian, Marat. "Explaining Electoral Reform in a System with Mixed-Member Parliament: Electoral Reforms in Russia since 1994" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Marriott, Loews Philadelphia, and the Pennsylvania Convention Center, Philadelphia, PA, <Not Available>. 2019-06-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p152263_index.html>
Publication Type: Proceeding

2003 - American Sociological Association Pages: 2 pages || Words: 453 words || 
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4. Buttel, Frederick. "Ever Since Hightower: The New Politics of Agricultural Research Activism in the Molecular Age" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Atlanta Hilton Hotel, Atlanta, GA, Aug 16, 2003 Online <.PDF>. 2019-06-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p105938_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: In 1973, Jim Hightower and his associates at the Agribusiness Accountability Project dropped a bombshell—Hard Tomatoes, Hard Times—on the land-grant and agricultural science establishments. From the early 1970s until roughly 1990 Hightower-style criticism of and activism toward the public agricultural research system focused on a set of closely interrelated themes: the tendencies for the publicly supported research enterprise to be an unwarranted taxpayer subsidy of agribusiness, for agricultural research and extension to favor large farmers and be disadvantageous for family farmers, for public research to stress mechanization while ignoring the concerns and interests of farm workers, and for the research and extension establishment to ignore rural poverty and other rural social problems. By 1990, however, there had been a quite fundamental restructuring of the agricultural technology opposition movement. Two overarching changes have occurred. First, agricultural-technology activism has essentially been shifted from contesting land-grant/public research priorities and practices to contesting private agribusiness technological priorities and practices. Second, the relatively integrated, overarching Hightower-type opposition has undergone bifurcation into two quite distinct social movements: the agricultural sustainability/local food systems movement on one hand, and the anti-GM food/crop and anti-food-system-globalization movement on the other.

In this paper I explore the causes and consequences of these restructurings of the agricultural research and technology opposition movement. Chief among the major factors involved was the fact that “Hightowerism” involved an ineffectual representational politics; Hightowerist claims—especially the claim that land-grant research was detrimental to family farmers—generated little support among the groups it claimed to represent (particularly “small” or “family” farmers). The two successor movements, by contrast, have relatively clear and dependable constituents. Further, the progressive molecularization of agricultural research, which proved to be both an antecedent and consequence of corporate involvement in agricultural research in the U.S., has decisively changed the issues that are contested by technology activists. Since the age of Hightower, the agricultural technology activist movement has shifted its 1970s and early 1980s emphasis from contesting public sector/land-grant research priorities to contesting private sector activities, particularly genetic engineering, GM crops, and globalization of agricultural technologies and regulatory practices. Even the sustainability/localism wing of the new agricultural technology movement configuration has progressively backed away from contesting public research priorities. The efforts of the sustainable agricultural and localism movement have increasingly focused on quasi-private efforts such as community supported agriculture, green/“value-added” labeling and marketing strategies, and community food security. Some implications of this increasingly bifurcated agricultural technology activist movement configuration in which there is decreased interest in land-grant/public research priorities are discussed.

2005 - American Sociological Association Pages: 44 pages || Words: 12808 words || 
Info
5. McTague, Tricia., Stainback, Kevin., Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald. and Zimmer, Catherine. "Organizational Response to Institutional Pressures For Equal Employment Opportunity Since the Civil Rights Act of 1964" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association, Marriott Hotel, Loews Philadelphia Hotel, Philadelphia, PA, Aug 12, 2005 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2019-06-26 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p21336_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: We examine the influence of resource dependence and isomorphic processes upon post-Civil Rights Act changes in workplace segregation in private sector workplaces. While most studies rely on cross-sectional organizational surveys or aggregate occupational census data, we use establishment level data collected by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) from 1966-2000 to examine organizations embedded within their firm, industry, local labor market, and federal regulatory environments. Sex segregation declines strongly from 1966 to 2000 but shows little evidence of institutionalization. Race segregation, on the other hand, shows strong and increasing evidence of institutionalization, but weak declines in segregation, particularly after 1980. Results point to the importance of organizational fields, and to a lesser extent resource dependency, for understanding persistence and change in workplace inequality. Firm visibility and complexity and field concentration and federal contractor density, but not OFCCP reporting, prove to be particularly important for understanding the dynamics of levels and variance in race and sex workplace segregation.

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