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2016 - American Sociological Association Annual Meeting Pages: unavailable || Words: unavailable || 
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1. Kornrich, Sabino. "Household Spending on Children across Four Countries: State Provision of Services and Inequality Private Spending?" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting, Washington State Convention Center, Seattle, WA, Aug 17, 2016 Online <PDF>. 2020-02-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1122421_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Evidence from the United States shows substantial inequalities in parental spending on children. This paper asks whether these inequalities exist in countries with greater public provision of education and child care. Using data from expenditure surveys from Australia, Norway, Spain, and the United States, the manuscript investigates parental spending across the income distribution on education, child care, and a range of goods for children. Descriptive results show higher inequalities along the income distribution in the United States than in each of the other countries. Regression results including control variables for a range of household characteristics show significantly higher inequality along the income distribution for child care and education in the United States compared to Norway. These results suggest that greater public provision reduce inequalities in private investments.

2004 - American Political Science Association Pages: 37 pages || Words: 11661 words || 
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2. Primo, David. "Restrictive Rules, Restrained Spending: The Endogenous Enforcement of Spending Limits in Legislatures" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hilton Chicago and the Palmer House Hilton, Chicago, IL, Sep 02, 2004 <Not Available>. 2020-02-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p59290_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Using a distributive politics bargaining model that allows for pork-barrel (i.e., inefficient) projects, I demonstrate that legislatures tend to prefer open, or unrestricted, amendment rules on spending bills, while agenda setters prefer closed, or restrictive, rules. This result contrasts with Baron and Ferejohn’s (1989) seminal work on bargaining, which finds that closed rules are preferred both by the legislature as a whole and the proposer. The model is applied to the problem of legislative rule enforcement by tying the agenda setter’s adherence to a spending limit to the legislature’s granting of a closed rule on the proposal. I find that endogenous enforcement of a spending limit is possible if the voting rule is a simple majority (or close to it). This enforcement mechanism tends to fail for supermajority rules. The approach in this paper sheds new light on the design and enforcement of budget rules in legislatures.

2007 - American Political Science Association Pages: 31 pages || Words: 8023 words || 
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3. Kim, HeeMin. and Ellis, Glynn. "Spending Effects on National Policy Moods: A Comparative Analysis of Military and Social Spending in Western Democracies" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Political Science Association, Hyatt Regency Chicago and the Sheraton Chicago Hotel and Towers, Chicago, IL, Aug 30, 2007 <Not Available>. 2020-02-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p209851_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: Previous explanations of the causes of shifts in national policy mood, conceived of on a left-right dimension, have been mostly economic. In this paper, we attempt to move beyond economic factors affecting policy mood of the citizens in Western democracies. Specifically, we analyze the relationships between public policy moods and national economies, governmental ideology, previous public policy moods, and social and military spending. We further investigate how these relationships are conditioned/modified by the ideology of the incumbent governments. Our analysis includes 21 industrialized, well established democracies for the period of 1950 through 1998. We find that the national policy mood is negatively related to the current government ideology, confirming the “reaction hypothesis” primarily shown in American politics literature previously. We also conclude that improving (declining) national economy tends to cause a leftward (rightward) shift in policy mood. Additionally, the direction of this effect is influenced by the ideology of the incumbent government. Testing for our hypothesis that increasing social spending causes a rightward movement in national policy mood and a decrease in social spending sends policy mood to the left yields only “weak” support. Even so, we find no evidence that these influences are conditioned by government ideology. Conversely, we find strong evidence that an increase in military spending swings policy mood to the left, while a decrease moves it back to the right. And, as is the case with economic variables, military spending is conditioned by government ideology.

2008 - MPSA Annual National Conference Pages: 31 pages || Words: 9997 words || 
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4. Kaplan, Stephen. "To Spend or Not To Spend: Globalization and Latin American Elections" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the MPSA Annual National Conference, Palmer House Hotel, Hilton, Chicago, IL, Apr 03, 2008 Online <APPLICATION/PDF>. 2020-02-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p268540_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Abstract: This paper develops a theory of the political calculus behind macroeconomic policymaking in a financially globalized world. It seeks to explain a fascinating puzzle: why has much of Latin America’s left maintained a commitment to macroeconomic orthodoxy? Employing elections as my unit of analysis, I challenge the conventional claim the chief executives engineer an economic boom to win elections. Rather, I argue that in a financially globalized world, politicians face greater policymaking constraints that stem from their exposure to international debt markets and an increasingly sophisticated electorate. They often prefer to use macroeconomic discipline to signal their competence to both investors and the electorate, particularly in light of past hyperinflation and debt crises. Ironically, politicians who presumably face fewer institutional checks and balances, constrain their own executive power to demonstrate macroeconomic policy accountability.
Supporting Publications:
Supporting Document

2009 - American Studies Association Annual Meeting Words: 329 words || 
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5. Weems, Jr., Robert. "Spending Power or Spending Weakness? African American Consumerism Since The 1960s" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Studies Association Annual Meeting, Renaissance Hotel, Washington D.C., <Not Available>. 2020-02-18 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p318282_index.html>
Publication Type: Internal Paper
Abstract: In 1969, D. Parke Gibson, a noted black marketing research expert, wrote The $30 Billion Negro, whose title reflected aggregate annual African American spending power at that moment in time. In 2007, the collective annual spending power of African Americans stood at $847 billion and is expected to surpass $1 trillion dollars annually by 2012. Even when inflation is taken into consideration, it is clear that African Americans have become one of the most important segments of the American consuming public. The significant increase in African American aggregate income since the 1960s, on the surface, suggests that blacks have made significant economic “progress.” Yet, a closer look at the nuances of African American consumerism since the 1960s, suggests that African American spending power might be better characterized as spending weakness. For instance, although blacks have acquired more money to spend since the 1960s, there has been a simultaneous decline and disappearance of historic black-owned enterprises. Similarly, there has been a parallel decline in the infrastructure of urban black America, as African Americans increasingly spend their dollars in shiny downtown and suburban shopping malls. Moreover, the acceleration of hip hop-inspired conspicuous consumption, with its focus upon acquiring as much “bling” as possible, seemingly has negative ramifications for the social dynamics of black America. Specifically, the promotion of individualistic accumulation by some hip hop performers diminishes and trivializes the collective tradition that helped African Americans survive slavery and Jim Crow. Ironically, despite their (oft-times contrived) brashness and bravado, the hip hop promoters of “bling” appear to be little more than obedient intermediaries between corporate America and the African American consumer market. Unless African American consumers are merely content to be manipulated or “played” by corporate marketers and their black lackeys, the evidence clearly indicates that blacks need to better leverage their power as consumers. As it stands, since the 1960s, African Americans’ ever-increasing aggregate income has enhanced the profit margins of major corporations, rather than promoted urban black community development.

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