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2012 - Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies 44th Annual Convention Words: 102 words || 
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1. Kuznetsova-Morenko, Irina. "The Formation of Social Capital amongst Muslim Groups in the Republic of Tatarstan" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Association for Slavic, East European and Eurasian Studies 44th Annual Convention, New Orleans Marriott, New Orleans, LA, <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p567861_index.html>
Publication Type: Panel Paper
Abstract: The paper analyzes the charity practices and engagement to activities of religious institutes as parts of social capital based on the data of focus-groups, in-depth interviews and surveys conducted in the Republic of Tatarstan, Russia. Mosques are the significant source of social support for the “marginalized” groups, but for the most part of the population religious institutes are not factors of communication or means solving economic problems. It can be assumed that the features of religious identification and behavior do not allow Islam to become a significant factor of social capital for the majority of Muslims in Tatarstan in the current period.

2017 - APSA Annual Meeting & Exhibition Pages: unavailable || Words: 14293 words || 
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2. Johnson, Colin. "The Wrong Islam: Barriers to the Incorporation of Labor Migrants in Tatarstan" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the APSA Annual Meeting & Exhibition, TBA, San Francisco, CA, Aug 31, 2017 <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p1256220_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Considerable research has investigated the dynamics underlying the difficulties Muslim labor migrants face in industrialized, liberal democratic societies in Western Europe. Among the purported factors, Western Europe’s limited experience in accommodating reverse migration from its former colonies, and their non-Western cultural and religious traditions, looms large. Seeking to apply these frameworks for threat perception in more diverse societal contexts, this paper explores the barriers to incorporation faced by labor migrants from Central Asia in Russia’s majority-Muslim region of Tatarstan. Praised for avoiding ethnic conflict between the majority Tatar population and the minority Russian population, Tatarstan constructed public institutions to support ethnic diversity and Tatar culture. These institutions expanded their purview to include the influx of immigrants after the dissolution of the USSR and refugees fleeing the violence of Tajikistan’s civil war. Given this experience, Tatarstan been touted as an exemplar for incorporating Muslim labor migrants from Central Asia, who seek employment in such numbers that Russia is now host to the world’s third-largest immigrant population.

This paper argues, however, that the Islamization of Tatar ethnic identity has reduced labor migrants’ access to social incorporation in Tatarstan and the political relationship between Moscow and Tatarstan only amplifies the effects of this exclusion. The marginalization of Central Asian migrants is an unexpected outcome in Tatarstan, given the region’s stability of interethnic relations and the linguo-cultural similarities between Tatars and most ethnic groups in Central Asia. Even absent the problematically assumed avenues for social incorporation for “co-ethnics,” the abundance of mosques and vitality of Islamic life in Tatarstan ought to increase the likelihood of social incorporation, especially in comparison to Moscow, where only six mosques are available to the city’s two million Muslims. Furthermore, Tatarstan constructed public integrative institutions for forced migrants, providing these immigrants with access to regional bureaucracies, representation in advisory institutions to regional executive branch, and spaces to celebrate cultural diversity. Yet in the aftermath of an assassination attempt on Tatarstan’s Grand Mufti in 2012 and the specter of ISIS, I argue that Central Asian labor migrants are increasingly viewed as security threats and face barriers to accessing these institutions.

I argue the contemporary construction of Tatar ethnic identity in Tatarstan conflates Tatar identity with Jadidism, an interpretation of Islam originating in the region. This Islamization of Tatar ethnic identity has marginalized Central Asian migrants along ethnic lines, as there is an assumed link between migrants’ ethnicity and interpretations of Islam that are viewed as foreign, regressive, and more readily radicalized. This obstructs migrants’ access to the incorporative opportunities available through Islamic institutions and social events, increasing migrants’ reliance on the public integrative institutions. Yet the operating protocols of these institutions prohibit any attempts to assuage the increasing securitization of labor migration in the public sphere. This leaves labor migrants marginalized in Tatarstan society despite assumptions to the contrary.

Reinforcing these local dynamics, Tatarstan has achieved a special relationship with the federal government, in which Tatarstan is viewed as a leading authority on Islamic education in Russia. This promotion of Jadidism and Tatarstan as a center of religious authority is not without controversy in Russia, yet it marks a political dynamic unique to the Western experience, as a domestic minority ethnic group receives federal support and recognition at the expense of other ethnic groups.

To make my argument, I begin with an overview of the constructivist and institutional literatures in ethnic conflict and highlight the tension the case of Tatarstan presents for both literatures, as it is a subnational case in which previously successful institutions begin to break down while identities are simultaneously constructed. I also use the theoretical concept of “meso-nation” to utilize the threat perception literature within migration politics to structure the dynamics we observe in Tatarstan. Using interview data collected in Tatarstan in 2013-2014, archival newspaper data, and literature produced by regional Islamic organizations and integrative institutions, I demonstrate that labor migrants have increasingly been viewed as a security threat based on their ethnicity and present the difficulties these populations face in Tatarstan. I then explicate the relationship Tatarstan has built with the federal government to demonstrate the potentially far-reaching effects Tatarstan’s ethnic politics on labor migrant incorporation across Russia.

2004 - International Studies Association Words: 169 words || 
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3. Strachan, Eric. "Did Leaders Make the Difference?: Operational Code Beliefs and the Russian Negotiation of Separatist Crises in Tatarstan and Chechnya" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association, Le Centre Sheraton Hotel, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, Mar 17, 2004 <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p72704_index.html>
Publication Type: Conference Paper/Unpublished Manuscript
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: The aim of this paper will be to evaluate the impact of leaders' operational code beliefs on the negotiation of separatist crises within the Russian Federation between 1990 and 1994. The paper will attempt to explain the divergent outcomes of negotiations between Moscow and the separatist republics of Chechnya and Tatarstan. Whereas the Tatarstan separatist crisis was resolved peacefully through the negotiation of a bilateral agreement signed in February 1994, the Chechen separatist crisis escalated into a protracted military conflict. To account for these divergent outcomes, the approach taken in this paper will be to analyze these parallel negotiation processes as a series of strategic interactions between the principal decision-makers, namely Russian President Boris Yeltsin, President Mintimer Shaimiev (Tatarstan), and President Djokhar Dudaev (Chechnya). Using an automated version of the Verbs-in-Context (VICS)program to analyze the content of public statements by these leaders over time, this study will test the thesis that leaders' beliefs interacted with changes in domestic political conditions to produce either a conflictual or cooperative strategic orientation.

2014 - AAAL Annual Conference Words: 48 words || 
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4. Gilmetdinova, Alsu. "The Role of Policy Mechanisms in Language Policy: A Comparison of New York, USA and Tatarstan, Russia" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the AAAL Annual Conference, Portland Marriott Downtown Waterfront, Portland, OR, Mar 22, 2014 <Not Available>. 2019-10-19 <http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p700874_index.html>
Publication Type: Individual Paper
Review Method: Peer Reviewed
Abstract: Shohamy’s (2006) framework adopted to examine language policies in two states, New York, USA, and Tatarstan, Russia, reveals how policies can be manipulated differently through a variety of mechanisms. As hidden agendas are uncovered, suggestions are made to advocate for and protect linguistic rights of individuals and groups.

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